tizen of the world will fhed a tear, on the utter fubverfion of almoft all the remaining monuments of public liberty; and tremble for the very few that yet continue.

The prefent violent difmemberment and partition of Poland, without the pretence of war, or even the colour of right, is to be confidered as the first very great breach in the modern political fyftem of Europe. It is not (fay the politicians of the continent) fapping by degrees the conftitution of our great western republic, it is laying the axe at once to the root, in fuch a manner as threatens the total overthrow of the whole. Such is the condition of mankind, that we are ever in extremes, and when we have carried any one to its greatest extent of evil or folly, we fly back with equal violence to its oppofite. The furprize of a town, the invafion of an infignificant province, or the election of a prince, who had neither abilities to be feared, nor virtues to be loved, would fome years ago have armed one half of Europe, and called forth all the attention of the other. We now be hold the deftruction of a great kingdom, with the confequent difarrangement of power, dominion, and commerce, with as total an indifference and unconcern, as we could read an account of the exterminating one hord of Tartars by another, in the days of Genhizan or Tamerlane.

The idea of confidering Europe as a vast commonwealth, of the feveral parts being diftinct and feparate, though politically and commercially united, of keeping them independant, though unequal in power, and of preventing any one, by any means, from becoming too

powerful for the reft, was great and liberal, and though the refult of barbarifm, was founded upon the moft enlarged principles of the wifeft policy. It is owing to this fyftem, that this fmall part of the western world has acquired so aftonifhing (and otherwife unaccountable) a fuperiority over the rest of the globe. The fortune and glory of Greece proceeded from a fimilar fyftem of policy, though formed upon a fmaller fcale. Both her fortune and glory expired along with the fyftem.

Some of the most defart provinces in Afia, have been repeatedly the feats of arts, arms, commerce, and literature. These potent and civilized nations have repeatedly perifhed, for want of any union, or fyftem of policy of this nature. Some Scythian, or other barbarian, has been fuffered, unnoticed, to fubdue his neighbouring tribes; each new conqueft was made an inftrument to the fucceeding, until at length become irrefiftable, he swept whole empires with their arts and fciences off the face of the earth. In the fame manner a banditti, who were afterwards called Romans, were fuffered to accumu late power, until they had fubdued. the braveft and fierceft nations, and became the masters and deftroyers of the beft part of the world. Each ftate looked on with indifference, or enjoyed a malignant pleasure at the ruin of its neighbour, without reflecting that the weapons and power of which he was deprived, would be quickly employed to its own deftruction.

It will not be denied, that the idea of fupporting a balance of power has in fome cafes been car ried to an extreme; that by artfully

employ

employing it to operate upon the paffions and jealousies of mankind, it has been made an engine fubfervient to the defigns of interested and ambitious perfons, and has perhaps thereby been productive of fome unneceffary wars. The fame objections, with others, might be made to that glorious jealousy with refpect to civil liberty, which has been the admiration and envy of all ages; which for the happiness of mankind thould fubfift in full vigour in every state in the world, and to their misfortune and punifhment is fcarcely alive in a few. Even that, the nobleft quality of the human mind, has been productive of wars, and of other evils. We are not to look for perfection in any thing that we are capable of understanding. All human regula

tions are intermixed with evil and error, and all that is in our power, is to adopt thofe which are the cleareft from both. The fame principles that make it incumbent upon the patriotic member of a republic to watch with the strictest attention the motions and defigns of his powerful fellow-citizens, fhould equally operate upon the different ftates in fuch a community as Europe, who are also the great members of a larger commonwealth. Wars, however it may be lamented, are inevitable in every ftate of human nature; they may be deferred, but they cannot be wholly avoided; and to purchase prefent quiet, at the price of future fecurity, is undoubtedly a cowardice of the moft degrading and bafest nature.

We find, however, that it has been at all times the language of a voluptuous and frivolous age, that while a ftate is flourishing within itself, and fuffers no immediate in

jury from others, it has no concern in the quarrels, interefts, or miffortunes of its neighbours. At fuch a time, that felfithnefs which looks only to the prefent moment, becomes a fashion, if not the standard of policy; it is as painful then to look forward, as it is to those who have weak nerves to look down a precipice; treaties, alliances, and a common caufe, are exploded, as matters which do not concern the prefent day; and all enlarged ideas, of general juftice, of a political equality, and of remote, though certain confequences, are ridiculed as the dreams of lunaticks.

How far fuch a defcription may be at prefent applicable to a confiderable part of Europe, we shall not pretend to determine; in particular, how far the infular situation of Great-Britain, weakens the application of thefe general principles with regard to her, may be a queftion. It may not, however, be altogether an hazardous opinion, that afingle man, caft out from the laws, the protection, and the commerce of his whole fpecies, might in that folitary fituation, with as rational and well-grounded a probability, propofe to himfelf convenience and fecurity, as any fingle ftate, in the prefent political and physical state of Europe, could expect independence and fafety, unconnected with all the others.

The free ftates and cities of Germany feem to be more immediately affected by the prefent extraor dinary tranfaction, than any other part of Europe. Indeed if the partition of Poland takes place in its utmost extent, the existence of the Germanic body in its prefent form, for any length of time, will be a matter rather to be wifhed for than

expected. The extraordinary power to which the houses of Auftria and Brandenburg have rifen within a few years, was already fufficiently alarming to the other parts of that body. Their natural jealoufy, and acquired animofity, feemed however to counteract their ambition, and to afford a tolerable fecurity, that they would not join in any fcheme deftructive to the other ftates; at the fame time, that their near equality, made it impoffible for one to be dangerous while oppofed by the other.

The hopes founded upon thefe fpecious appearances were but fhort-lived. By one of those extraordinary movements of the human mind, which are as little to be forefeen as accounted for, and of thofe unexpected revolutions, which at certain times take place in all human affairs, the emperor is become a perfonal admirer of the King of Pruffia, and these two irreconcileable enemies, enter into a combination with a third, whom they both mortally hated and feared, to join in the deftruction of a power with whom they were all in alliance, who could not be dangerous or prejudicial to any of them, and whom they were all bound to protect by the most facred treaties, guaranties, and declarations.

It is but a poor fatisfaction for the prefent fufferers to reflect, upon what may afford fome inftruction to pofterity in the event, that the ruinous effects of this cruel, unjutt, and fhort-fighted fyftem of policy, may in all human probability, moft fatally revert upon the two powers, who have fo unnaturally entered into the combination. Poland was the natural barrier of Germany, as well as of the northern crowns,

against the overwhelming power and ambition of Ruffia. Some small alterations in the fyftem of government, which might have been accomplished with little violence, and infinite benefit to the Poles, would have rendered this barrier inexpugnable. If the princes of Saxony, who fo long governed this country, had profited of their advantage, this reformation in the government of Poland would have long fince taken place. A great writer of a former age affirmed, that if ever the Turks conquered Germany, it must be through Poland; it may now with greater juftice be affirmed, that it is the road by which the Ruffians will enter Germany.

The two northern crowns are likely to be as much affected by this revolution in the ftate of Poland, as the Germanic body; tho' the effects may not be fo fpeedily felt by the former. The Danish poffeffions, in Holstein, particularly, will be in a very precarious fituation. The Grand Duke of Ruffia is a dangerous neighbour to a weak state. In the prefent inftance, it is worse than neighbourhood, as the two princes have a joint dominion in a great number of diftricts, and even towns, in their mixed territories; the limits in others can never be exactly ascertained; and the rights or claims in all, would afford room for endless litigation. Ancient griefs and injuries might alfo be eafily revived, had not the prefent times already clearly demonftrated, that where there is fufficient force to fupport a claim, all appearances of right and juftice are totally unneceffary.

What effect this new partition may have upon the other ftates of Europe, will depend in a great measure