amounted to 103,068,876 dollars 41 cents, of which, on the 30th of September of the present year, 93,175,396 dollars and 56 cents had been settled; leaving on that day a balance unsettled of 9,893,479 dollars 85 cents. That there have been drawn from the treasury, in paying the public debt, and sustaining the government in all its operations and disbursements, since the 4th of March, 1817, 157,199,380 dollars and 96 cents, the accounts for which have been settled to the amount of 187,501,451 dollars and 12 cents; leaving a balance unsettled of 19,697,929 dollars and 84 cents. For precise details respecting each of these balances, I refer to the report of the comptroller, and the documents which accompany it.

From this view, it appears that our commercial differences with France and Great Britain have been placed in a train of amicable arrangement, on conditions fair and honourable, in both instances, to each party; that our finances are in a very productive state, our revenue being at present fully competent to all demands upon it; that our military force is well organized in all its branches, and capable of rendering the most important service, in case of emergency, that its number will admit of; that due progress has been made, under existing appropriations, in the construction of fortifications, and in the operation of the ordnance department; that due progress has, in like manner, been made in the construction of ships of war; that our navy is in the best condition, felt and respected in every sea in which it is employed for the protection of our commerce; that our manufactures

have augmented in amount, and improved in quality; that great progress has been made in the settlement of accounts, and in recovery of the balances due to individuals; and that the utmost economy is secured and observed in every department of the administration.

Other objects will likewise claim your attention; because, from the station which the United States hold, as a member of the great community of nations, they have rights to maintain, duties to perform, and dangers to encounter.

A strong hope was entertained that peace would, ere this, have been concluded between Spain and the independent governments south of the United States in this hemisphere. Long experience having evinced the competency of those governments to maintain the independence which they had declared, it was presumed that the considerations which induced their recognition by the United States would have had equal weight with other powers, and that Spain herself, yielding to those magnanimous feelings of which her history furnishes so many examples, would have terminated, on that basis, a controversy so unavailing, and at the same time so destructive. We still cherish the hope that the result will not long be postponed.

Sustaining our neutral position, and allowing to each party while the war continues equal rights, it is incumbent on the United States to claim of each with equal rigour the faithful observance of our rights, according to the wellknown law of nations. From each, therefore, a like co-operation is expected, in the suppression of the piratical practice which has grown out of this war, and of blockades

of extensive coasts on both seas, which, considering the small force employed to sustain them, have not the slightest foundation to

rest on.

Europe is still unsettled; and although the war, long menaced between Russia and Turkey, has not broken out, there is no certainty that the differences between those powers will be amicably adjusted. It is impossible to look to the oppressions of the country, respecting which those differences arose, without being deeply affected. The mention of Greece fills the mind with the most exalted sentiments, and arouses in our bosoms the best feelings of which our nature is susceptible. Superior skill and refinement in the arts, heroic gallantry in action, disinterested patriotism, enthusiastic zeal and devotion in favour of public and personal liberty, are associated with our recollections of ancient Greece.

That such a country should have been overwhelmed, and so long hidden, as it were, from the world, under a gloomy despotism, has been a cause of unceasing and deep regret to generous minds, for ages past. It was natural, therefore, that the re-appearance of those people in their original character, contending in favour of their liberties, should produce that great excitement and sympathy in their favour, which has been so signally displayed throughout the United States. A strong hope is entertained that these people will recover their independence, and resume their equal station among the nations of the earth.

A great effort has been made in Spain and Portugal to improve the condition of the people, and it must be very consoling to all be

nevolent minds to see the extraordinary moderation with which it has been conducted. That it may promote the happiness of both nations, is the ardent wish of this whole people, to the expression of which we confine ourselves; for, whatever may be the feelings or sentiments which every individual under our government has a right to indulge and express, it is nevertheless a sacred maxim, equally with the government and people, that the destiny of every independent nation, in what relates to such improvements, of right belongs, and ought to be left, exclusively to themselves.

Whether we reason from the late wars, or from those menacing symptoms which now appear in Europe, it is manifest that, if a convulsion should take place in any of those countries, it will proceed from causes which have no existence, and are utterly unknown in these states, in which there is but one order, that of the people, to whom the sovereignty exclusively belongs. Should war break out in any of those countries, who can foretell the extent to which it may be carried, or the desolation which it may spread? Exempt as we are from these causes, our internal tranquillity is secure; and, distant as we are from the troubled scene, and faithful to just principles, in regard to other powers, we might reasonably presume that we shall not be molested by them. This, however, ought not to be calculated on as certain. Unprovoked injuries are often inflicted, and even the peculiar felicity of our situation might, with some, be a cause for excitement and aggression. The history of the late wars in Europe furnishes a complete de

monstration, that no system of conduct, however correct in principle, can protect neutral powers from injury, from any party; that a defenceless position, and distinguished love of peace, are the surest invitations to war; and that there is no way to avoid it, otherwise than by being always prepared and willing, for just cause, to meet it. If there be a people on earth whose more especial duty it is to be at all times prepared to defend the rights with which they are blessed, and to surpass all others in sustaining the necessary burthens, and in submitting to sacrifices to make such preparations, it is undoubtedly the people of these States.

When we see that a civil war of the most frightful character rages from the Adriatic to the Black Sea; that strong symptoms of war appear in other parts, proceeding from causes which, should it break out, may become general, and be of long duration; that the war still continues between Spain and the independent governments, her late provinces, in this hemisphere; that it is likewise menaced between Portugal and Brazil, in consequence of the attempt of the latter to dismember itself from the former; and that a system of piracy, of great extent, is main tained in the neighbouring seas, which will require equal vigi

lance and decision to suppress it, the reasons for sustaining the attitude which we now hold, and for pushing forward all our measures of defence with the utmost vigour, appear to me to acquire new force.

The United States owe to the world a great example, and, by means thereof, to the cause of liberty and humanity, a generous support. They have so far succeeded, to the satisfaction of the virtuous and enlightened of every country. There is no reason to doubt that their whole movement will be regulated by a sacred regard to principle, all our institutions being founded on that basis. The ability to support our own cause, under any trial to which it may be exposed, is the great point on which public solicitude rests. It has been often charged against free governments, that they have neither the foresight nor the virtue to provide, at the proper season, for great emergencies; that their course is improvident and expensive; that war will always find them unprepared, and whatever may be its calamities, that its terrible warnings will be disregarded and forgotten as soon as peace returns. I have full confidence that this charge, so far as relates to the United States, will be shown to be utterly destitute of truth.

JAMES MONROE.
Washington, Dec. 3, 1822.

Brazilians!-The time for deceiving mankind is past. Governments, which would still found their power upon the pretended ignorance of the people, or upon

antiquated errors and abuses, are destined to see the colossus of their greatness fall from the fragile basis on which it had been erected. It is in consequence of not attend

ing to this principle, that the Cortes of Lisbon have forced the provinces of the south of Brazil to throw off the yoke prepared for them. It is in consequence of being duly impressed with it, that I now see all Brazil united around me, calling upon me to defend its rights and maintain its liberty and independence. I comply, Brazilians, while I declare to you the truth. Listen to me!

The congress of Lisbon, arrogating to itself the tyrannical right of imposing on Brazil a new compact-an article of faith, signed under a partial and prospective Gath, and which could in no way involve the approval of self-destruction has compelled us to examine the pretended titles which are set up, and to investigate the injustice of such unreasonable pretensions. This examination, which insulted reason counselled and required, has proved to the Brazilians that Portugal, in overthrowing all established forms - in changing all the ancient and respectable institutions of the monarchy-in passing the sponge of moral oblivion over all her relations, and in re-constituting herself anew, cannot compel us to accept a dishonourable and degrading system, without violating those very principles on which she has founded her revolution and the right of changing her political institutions, without destroying those bases upon which her own rights the inalienable rights of man, are founded, without opposing the progress of reason and justice, which has its laws in the nature of things, and never in the individual caprices of men.

The southern provinces of Brazil having, therefore, united and assumed the majestic attitude of a

people recognizing their right to liberty and happiness, have turned their eyes towards me, the son of their king and their friend, who, regarding in its true point of view this rich and great portion of our globe, who, knowing the talents of its inhabitants, and the immense resources of its soil, sees with pain the irregular and tyrannical course of those who so falsely and prematurely have named themselves the fathers of the country, and have attempted to change their character of representatives of the people of Portugal into that of sovereigns of all the immense Portuguese monarchy. I have consequently considered that it would be unworthy of me and of the great king whose son and delegate I am, to disregard the wishes of his faithful subjects, who, repressing republican desires and propensities, avoid the fascinating example of neighbouring states, and deposit in me all their hopes: in this way royalty is preserved in the great American continent, and the rights of the august House of Braganza are acknowledged.

I

I have acceded to the generous and sincere wishes of this people, and have remained in Brazil, making known my firm resolution to our king, and being persuaded that this step would be to the Cortes of Lisbon the thermometer of the disposition of Brazil, of its sense of its own dignity, and of the new elevation of its sentiments. hoped, also, that this proceeding would make the Cortes stop in the career which they had commenced, and return to the paths of justice, from which they had departed. This, reason dictated; but the giddy views of egotism stifle its voice and its precepts. The indignation of the United Provinces was

then, as might be expected, roused, and in a moment, as if by magic, all their ideas and sentiments converged to one single point and to one sole end. Without the din of arms, and without the cries of anarchy, they calmly required of me that I should, as a guarantee of their precious liberty and national honour, cause the prompt installation of a general, constituent, and legislative assembly for Brazil. I was desirous to delay the period of the meeting of this assembly, in order to see whether the pride of the Cortes of Lisbon would yield to the voice of reason and justice, and to a sense of their own interest; but the order made and transmitted by them to the Portuguese consuls, prohibiting the forwarding of arms and ammunition for Brazil, was a signal of war and an actual commencement of hostilities.

This kingdom accordingly required, that as I had declared myself its perpetual defender, I should proceed to take the most energetic and prompt measures for its security, honour, and prosperity. If I had failed in my resolution, then would my sacred promises have been on the one hand broken; and on the other, who could have restrained the evils of anarchy, the dismemberment of these provinces, and all the furies of democracy? What violent contests would follow, between inveterate parties, between thousands of successively rising and conflicting factions? To whom would then belong the gold and the diamonds of our inexhaustible mines,-those rich rivers which form the strength of our states, that prodigious fertility which is the great source of riches and prosperity? Who would reconcile so many opposing parties?

Who would civilize our scattered population, separated by numerous rivers as large as seas? Who would then communicate with our Indians in the centre of their impenetrable forests, or behind high and inaccessible mountains? Brazil, this fine portion of nature's workmanship, the envy and admiration of the nations of the world, would indeed be lacerated, and the benevolent views of Providence would be defeated-at least for many years retarded.

I should be responsible for all these evils, for the blood which would be shed, for the victims which would infallibly be sacrificed to passions and to private interests. I have therefore formed my resolution-I have adopted the course which the people wished, and I have ordered the convocation of the Assembly of Brazil, in order to cement the political independence of the kingdom, without breaking the ties of Portuguese fraternity. Thus may the different parts of the united kingdom of Portugal, Brazil, and Algarve, justly and decorously harmonize; and thus may be preserved under one chief, two families which are separated by immense seas, and which can alone be retained in union by the bonds founded on an equality of rights and a reciprocity of interests.

Brazilians!-On your account, it is not necessary to revert to the evils to which you were subject, and which occasioned the representation made to me by the magistracy and people of this city on the 23d of May, and gave rise to my royal decree of the 3d of June of the present year; but the respect we owe to mankind requires that we should state the reasons which led to your first proceedings, and