Sir;-Among the objects which fix the attention and demand the anxious solicitude of the sovereigns and cabinets assembled at Verona, the situation of Spain, and its relations with the rest of Europe, have occupied the first place.

You know the interest which the king, our august master, has never ceased to take in his Catholic majesty, and in the Spanish nation.

This nation, so distinguished by the loyalty and energy of its character, illustrious from so many ages of glory and virtue, and always so celebrated for the noble devotion and heroic perseverance which made it triumph over the ambitious and despotic designs of the usurper of the French throne, possesses claims too venerable and too solid to the interest and regard of all Europe, to permit that its sovereigns can view with indifference the miseries that actually oppress it, and with which it is menaced.

An event the most deplorable has subverted the ancient bases of the Spanish monarchy; compromised the character of the nation; and attacked and poisoned public prosperity in its very sources.

A revolution, which sprung from military revolt, has suddenly broken all the bonds of duty, overthrown all legitimate order, and dissolved the elements of the social edifice, which cannot fall without covering the whole country with its ruins.

It was thought possible to replace this edifice, by extorting from a sovereign already despoiled of all real authority and of all free will, the re-establishment of the con

stitution of the Cortes of the year 1812, which, confounding all elements and all power, and assuming only the single principle of a permanent and legal opposition against the government, necessarily destroyed that central and tutelary authority, which constitutes the essence of the monarchical system.

The consequences have fully made known to the Spanish nation, what are the fruits of so fatal an

error.

The revolution, that is to say the letting loose of every passion against the ancient order of things, far from being stopped, checked, or modified, has developed itself in a manner at once rapid and terrifying. The government, powerless and paralyzed, had no longer the means of either doing good or preventing evil. All its powers were found concentrated, accumulated, and confounded, in one single assembly; this assembly presented only a conflict of opinions and views, of interests and of passions, in the midst of which propositions and resolutions of the most heterogeneous kind were constantly produced, resisted, or neutralized. The ascendancy of the fatal doctrines of a disorganizing philosophy could not but augment the general delusion, until at last, as might naturally be expected, every notion of sound policy was abandoned for vain theories, and every sentiment of justice and moderation sacrificed to the dreams of fallacious liberty. From that moment institutions, established under the pretence of offering securities against the abuse of authority, became merely the instruments of injustice and vio

lence, and the means of covering this tyrannical system with an appearance of legality.

Without the slightest hesitation, the most venerable and sacred rights were abolished; lawful property was violated; and the Church was stripped of its dignity, its prerogatives, and its possessions. It may be thought that a despotic power, exercised by a faction only to the injury of the country, would soon have fallen to pieces, if delusive declamations from the tribune, ferocious outcries from the clubs, and the licentiousness of the press, had not kept down public opinion, and stifled the voice of that sound and reasonable part of the Spanish nation, which Europe was well aware formed an immense majority. But the measure of injustice was filled, and the patience of faithful Spaniards appeared at length to be exhausted. On all sides discontent burst forth, and whole provinces became the prey of civil war.

In the midst of this dreadful agitation, the sovereign of the country was seen reduced to an absolutely powerless state, deprived of all liberty of action and of will, a prisoner in his capital, separated from all his faithful servants who still remained attached to him, loaded with insults and contumely, and exposed, from day to day, to attempts which, if the faction did not provoke them, at least they had retained no means of preventing.

You, sir, who have witnessed the origin, the progress, and the consequences of the revolution of the year 1820, can testify that there is nothing exaggerated in the picture of it which I have thus rapidly traced. Things have now reached such a crisis, that the sove

reigns assembled at Verona at length feel themselves compelled to inquire, what are now, and what will hereafter be, the nature of their relations with Spain.

But

It might have been hoped, that the dreadful calamity, with which Spain was attacked, would have experienced crises of a nature calculated to bring back that ancient monarchy to an order of things compatible with its own welfare, and with relations of friendship and confidence between itself and the other states of Europe. this hope has been hitherto frustrated. The moral state of Spain is at the present moment such, that her relations with foreign powers must necessarily be doubtful and uncertain. Doctrines subversive of all social order are openly preached and protected. Insults, directed against the principal sovereigns of Europe, fill with impunity the public journals. The revolutionists of Spain disperse their emissaries, in order to associate with themselves, in their pernicious labours, whatever conspirators may be found in foreign countries against public order and legitimate authority.

The inevitable effect of so many disorders has particularly manifested itself in the change of relations between Spain and France. The irritation, which has resulted, is of a nature calculated to create the most just apprehensions as to the maintenance of peace between the two countries. This circumstance alone would be sufficient to determine the assembled sovereigns to break silence upon a state of things, which every day threatens to compromise the tranquillity of Europe.

Is the Spanish government willing, or is it able, to apply a re

medy to evils so palpable and so notorious? Will it, and can it, prevent or repress the hostile consequences and the insulting provocations which arise with regard to foreign governments, from the position in which the revolution has placed it, and from the system which it has established?

We conceive that nothing can be more contrary to the intentions of his most Catholic majesty, than to see himself placed in a situation so extremely painful with respect to foreign sovereigns; but it is precisely because this monarch, who is the only authentic and legitimate organ of communication between Spain and the other powers of Europe, finds himself deprived of his liberty, and restrained in his will, that those powers consider their relations with Spain to be compromised and deranged.

It is not for foreign courts to judge what institutions would harmonize best with the character, the manners, and the real wants

of the Spanish nation; but it does indubitably belong to them to judge of the consequences which experiments of this kind produce with regard to themselves, and to regulate by those consequences, their future determinations, and their future positions, with regard to Spain. Now, the king, our master, is of opinion, that the Spanish government, in order to preserve, and re-establish on a solid foundation, their relations with foreign powers, cannot do less than give to these last unequivocal proofs of the liberty of his Catholic majesty, and an adequate guarantee of their disposition and ability to remove the causes of our regret, and of our too just inquietude respecting it.

The king orders you, sir, not to conceal this opinion from the Spanish minister, to read to him this despatch, to leave a copy of it in his hands, and to request him to explain himself frankly and clearly upon the points to which it refers.

"M. le Comte ;-As your political situation may be changed, in consequence of the resolutions adopted at Verona, French candour requires that you should be directed to make known the views of the government of his Most Christian Majesty to the government of his Catholic Majesty.

"Since the revolution, which took place in Spain in April, 1820, France, notwithstanding the dangers which that revolution presented for her, carefully endeavoured to draw close the bonds which unite the two kings, and to

maintain the relations which exist between the two nations.

"But the influence, under which the changes in the Spanish monarchy were brought about, has become more powerful in consequence of the very results of these changes, as it was easy to be fore

seen.

"A constitution, which king Ferdinand on resuming the crown neither recognized nor accepted, was imposed on him by a military insurrection. The natural consequence of this transaction has been, that each dissatisfied Spa

niard considers himself authorized to seck, by the same means, the establishment of an order of things more in harmony with his opinions and principles. The employment of force has created the right of force.

"Hence the movements of the guards at Madrid, and the appearance of armed corps in different parts of Spain. The provinces bordering on France have been chiefly the theatre of the civil war. Thus it has become necessary for France to protect herself from this state of disorder in the Peninsula. The events which have occurred since the establishment of an army of observation at the foot of the Pyrennees have sufficiently justified the foresight of his majesty's government.

"Meanwhile the congress, which since last year had been looked to for deciding on the affairs of Italy, assembled at Verona.

"As an integral part of this congress, France was bound to explain herself with respect to the armaments to which she had been compelled to have recourse, and to the manner in which she might eventually employ them. The precautions of France appeared just to her allies, and the continental powers adopted the resolution of uniting with her to aid her (if there ever should be occasion) in maintaining her dignity and tranquillity.

"France would be satisfied with a resolution at once so benevolent and so honourable with respect to her; but Austria, Prussia, and Russia, judged it necessary to add to the particular act of alliance a manifestation of their sentiments. Diplomatic notes are for that purpose addressed by these three powers to their respective minis

ters at Madrid, who will communicate them to the Spanish government, and in their ulterior conduct follow the orders which they shall have received from their courts.

"For your part, M. le Comte, in giving these explanations to the cabinet of Madrid, you will declare to it, that his majesty's government is intimately united with its allies in the firm resolution to repel by every means revolutionary principles and movements;-that it equally concurs with its allies in the wishes which they form, that a remedy may be found by the noble Spanish nation itself, for these evils evils which are of a nature to disturb the governments of Europe, and to impose on them precautions which always must be painful.

"You will, in particular, take care to make known, that the people of the Peninsula, restored to tranquillity, will find in their neighbours faithful and sincere friends. You will, therefore, give to the cabinet of Madrid, the assurance that the succours of every kind, which France can dispose of in favour of Spain, will always be offered to her for the purpose of assuring her happiness, and increasing her prosperity; but you will at the same time declare, that France will in no respect relax the preservatory measures which she has adopted, while Spain continues to be torn by factions. His majesty's government will not even hesitate to recall you from Madrid, and to seek guarantees in more efficacious measures, if its essential interests continue to be compromised, and if it lose the hope of an amelioration, which it takes a pleasure in expecting from the sentiments which have so long

Department of State, Washington,
April 13, 1822.

The secretary of state, to whom has been referred the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 16th of February last, requesting the president of the United States to communicate to that house whether any foreign government has made claim to any part of the territory of the United States upon the coast of the Pacific Ocean, north of the 42nd degree of latitude, and to what extent; whether any regulations have been made by foreign powers affecting the trade on that coast, and how far it affects the interests. of this republic; and whether any communications have been made to this government by foreign powers, touching the contemplated occupation of the Columbia river;" has the honour of submitting to the president sundry papers containing the information embraced by the resolution.

At the time when the subject of the proposed occupation of the Columbia river was presented to the consideration of Congress, at their last session, the minister of

Great Britain, at two several interviews with the secretary of state, suggesting that Great Britain had claims on the north west coast of America with which he conceived that such occupation on the part of the United States would conflict, had requested to be informed what were the intentions of the government of the United States in this respect. The secretary of state declined answering those inquiries, or discussing those claims, otherwise than in writing. But no written communication upon the subject has been received.

JOHN QUINCY ADAMS.

The Chevalier Poletica to the Secretary of State.

The undersigned, envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of his majesty the emperor of all the Russias, in consequence of orders which have lately reached him, hastens herewith to transmit to Mr. Adams, secretary of state in the department of foreign affairs, a printed copy of the regulation adopted by the Russian