ed very grave, as if something unpleasant had happened, and begged to know what it was; the doctor said, that he had nothing of the kind to tell, and was very much surprised at the manner of putting the question; upon which his lordship apologized, adding that "the truth was, he had reason to be suspicious in some degree, but hoped that the doctor would be the last person to engage in any thing that would be injurious to him.' The doctor continued in the house all the next day, and did not leave his lordship, till halfpast twelve o'clock on Sunday night. He then retired to rest in a room very near his lordship. On Monday morning about seven o'clock, being summoned to attend his lordship in his dressing-room, he entered just in time to save him from falling; his lordship said, “Bankhead, let me fall upon your arm,-'tis all over."-and instantly expired. He had cut his throat with a pen-knife.

Dr.

A coroner's inquest was held upon the body. The maid, who was in personal attendance on lady Londonderry, gave clear and positive evidence, that his lordship had been for some days in a state of mental derangement. Bankhead's testimony was equally decisive on the same point. The jurors having viewed the body, and heard the evidence, unanimously returned a verdict to the following effect:·-- "That on Monday, Aug. the 12th, and for some time previously, the most noble, Robert, marquis of Londonderry, laboured under a grievous disorder, and became in consequence delirious and of insane mind; and, whilst in that state, he inflicted on himself, with a knife, a wound in the neck, of which he instantly died."

After the verdict was delivered, the coroner read a letter, dated on the 9th of August, addressed to doctor Bankhead, by the duke of Wellington, requesting the doctor to call on lord Londonderry on some pretext or other; for his conduct at the council on that day, had been so strange, that he certainly was under some temporary mental delusion, occasioned by the severe pressure of business. The duke ended by declaring the communication to be strictly confidential, and begged that its subject might not be revealed to any one. After the fatal event had taken place, various circumstances were recollected by friends of the deceased, indicating the incoherence of his mind.

His lordship was buried on Tuesday the 20th, in Westminster Abbey, between the graves of Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox. Although the funeral was considered a private one, it was attended by a number of the carriages of the nobility, and by all his colleagues in office who were then in London. The lord chancellor showed deep emotion. When the coffin was removed out of the hearse for interment at the Abbey, some miscreants, mixed with the multitude who were assembled

was heard on this occasion, was not that of the mob: it came from a few abandoned, probably hired ruffians; and it excited, among the great body of the by-standers, dis gust and abhorrence. Lord Londonderry had never been a wooer of popular favour; but his character was too manly and noble to be generally disliked; and, if he was not positively popular, he at least possessed the public respect in the very highest degree in a degree much more than sufficient to protect his remains from contumely and insult. By a few indeed of the lowest of our political ruffians, he might be hated. They who would be Thistlewoods, if they had the courage they who have all the qualities of traitors, except the requisite daring-these men hated him, because they feared him; and they and their emissaries, when they saw his remains consigned to the grave, amid the tears of the associates of his private and public life, raised a shout of triumph, which seemed the louder by reason of the awful stillness of the funeral solemnity. But this shout, which was intended as an insult to him, disgraced only themselves, and proved to the whole world what manner of men they were, to whom the marquess of Londonderry had been an object of hatred.

As a practical statesman, lord Londonderry possessed many of the qualities that constitute a great man-firm faith to political friends decision of purpose-indefatigable industry-spotless integrity. To merchants and others, who had occasion to make representations to government, an interview with lord Londonderry was always more satisfactory, than with any other official man. He communicated

to them, they said, without subterfuge or evasion, the course which he meant to pursue, and what he once said might be depended on with undoubting confidence. There was in his method of transacting business, much clearness, arrangement, and steadiness, mixed, however, with so much kindness, that he made every foreign minister his personal friend. He had been for many years in direct communication with the sovereigns of the continent and their ministers: he possessed the regard of all, and the confidence and attachment of many of them. Prince Metternich declared, that to him the death of lord Londonderry was as the death of a brother. In his capacity of ministerial leader in the House of Commons, he so conducted himself, that even his most strenuous opponents could not entertain one hostile feeling towards him. There was never any rancour in his attacks or his replies; he was always firm, sometimes severe, but never coarse or personal; and there was a nobleness in his manner, a grace in his person, a suavity, and a sincerity, that gave weight and effect to every thing he said. Some loose metaphors, and ill-chosen phrases, were occasionally made the subject of ridicule and reproach; but there was no speaker who answered an antagonist with more ingenuity and art than lord Londonderry. Often, too, when roused, or when he had to speak upon an affecting or heroic topic, he displayed a feeling and an eloquence that did honour to his oratory and heart. But whatever difference of opinion might be entertained with respect to his public character, there was but one sentiment, one opinion with respect to his private

virtues. As a man, he was all that was excellent and engaging an affectionate husband-a polite and finished gentleman-a kind landlord a mild and indulgent master, beneficent to the poor, and so affable, that every individual, however inferior his rank, felt himself at his ease the moment he addressed him. These virtues found their earthly reward in the strong attachment felt to him by his numerous private friends.

There were, however, two respects, in which, as a minister for foreign affairs he was deficient. First, he did not possess a sufficiency of acquired knowledge on those subjects which came within his department; and, secondly, the events of his life had drawn him into so close a connexion with foreign ministers and sovereigns, that there was some reason to apprehend, that he might, under peculiar circumstances, concur too far in their plans, or not declare his dissent from them so soon and with so much firmness as he ought. Having had much intercourse with the great monarchs of the continent, at a time when their interests and views were completely identified with our own; having witnessed their zeal for the overthrow of the common enemy; and having received from them numerous testimonies of esteem and friendship; he must naturally have reposed much confidence in the purity of their intentions, and have entertained towards them sentiments of kindness and gratitude, which could not but make him slow to manifest, on the part of England, any aversion to their views or any disposition to throw obstacles in their way. The situation of the world, however, was now so different from what

it had been seven years before, that the policy of Austria and Russia might assort very ill with that which the honor and interests of England prescribed. He who is best qualified to be a negotiator at a general congress, may not be the man into whose hands the foreign relations of a free country will be best intrusted. At the very moment of lord Londonderry's death, the sovereigns of the continent were adopting a policy towards Spain, which England could not approve; though he would never out of complaisance have forgotten the duties of an English minister, yet his private feelings and habits might have rendered him too slow in suspecting, too qualified and hesitating in declaring his and our disapprobation.

and

Another general congress was to be held at Verona in October; at which lord Londonderry had been destined to represent England. The duke of Wellington was now appointed to this important function. His grace set out for Verona on the 17th of September.

To find a successor to lord Londonderry's situation in the ministry was a more arduous task. Mr. Canning was universally admitted to be the individual best qualified for the vacant post-to be indeed the only person, who was in any degree equal to it. If he was in some respects inferior to him who had last filled it, yet in rhetorical talent, at least, he was decidedly superior; and oratory, which everywhere, but especially in free governments, covers a multitude of sins, though not very useful to a secretary of state for foreign affairs, is the most important requisite in a leader of

the House of Commons. It was rumoured, however (probably without any reason), that the king was exceedingly unwilling to admit Mr. Canning into the cabinet, and that the lord chancellor was determined not to act with him as a colleague. For some time, the matter remained in suspense. Mr. Canning continued his preparations for his departure for India; and at a public dinner given to him at Liverpool, on the 30th of August, he declared that he knew no more of the future political arrangements of the country, than any of those who heard him, and that no proposition with respect to the vacant office had been made to him.* However, in September, he was nominated secretary of state for foreign affairs.

A new governor-general was now to be found for India. Lord Amherst and lord William Bentinck, were the two candidates for the appointment. The former prevailed; though the latter by sound

The following was the language used by Mr. Canning on this occasion: -I know nothing; I have heard nothing more than all of you, gentlemen, of any political arrangements likely to arise from the present state of things. It is not for me to presume that I should be in any degree concerned in such arrangements: nor to do any thing which should appear to imply such a presumption. I have, therefore, neither proposed to defer this meeting with my constituents, fixed, as you know, many months ago; nor have I suspended my preparations for departure; nor have I any ground beyond those which lie open in common to me and to all the world, for apprehending that that departure is likely to be intercepted. It will not be expected of me that I should say any thing of what might, in a contrary supposition, be the decision which it would become me to form. I can only declare with the most perfect sincerity,

ness of judgment, by great political and military experience, and by intimate acquaintance with Indian affairs, was perhaps better fitted than any other individual, for that most responsible situation. There is no office, the nomination to which should be more carefully defended from the influence of court favour, than that of Governor General. How vast are the interests which may be put in hazard by a single injudicious appointment to that situation! Should a critical moment arrive, an empire may be lost, before a person can be sent out equal to the exigencies that may have occurred. Years indeed, may pass away, without calling forth any peculiar talent in the supreme ruler; but no man can tell but that at any moment circumstances may spring up, in which the safety of our Eastern empire will depend on the energy and capacity of him who is at its head: and if such circumstances should arise, and there

that such a decision would be formed by me upon an honest and impartial review of public considerations alone; and would be determined, not by a calculation of my interests, but upon a balance of my duties.

66

Gentlemen, enough of this topic, upon which I might still perhaps have hesitated to utter a word, if I had not been informed that my silence respecting it upon a former occasion has been misinterpreted. I trust I shall not now be misinterpreted the other way; and that having been understood as ostentatiously abjuring office at home, from my not adverting to the possibility of its being proposed to me, I may not now be considered as on the other hand expressing an anxiety for office, by the, I hope sufficiently measured, allusion which I have found myself at last compelled to make to surmises, of which I am not the author, but the object."