although he objected to the operation of a sinking fund in time of war, admitted that, in time of peace, if a surplus existed of revenue over expenditure, that surplus was best employed in the reduction of the public debt. But the surplus of 5,000,000l., which government was now in possession of, would be completely taken away by the last resolution of Mr. Hume, who, for the sake of taking off 5,000,000l. of taxes at the present moment, was content to make the debt eternal.

The resolutions were rejected without a division.

Amid the various schemes of financial and economical arrangement, which occupied and perplexed parliament and the ministers, the Chancellor of the Exchequer gave his assent to one novel item of charge, and exhibited the government of England under the unwonted aspect of patrons of literature. On the 24th of July, he stated to the House, that the glory of the nation was interested in having an uniform and regular edition of our Antient Historians published by authority and at the public expense.

This was the more necessary, because individuals were in the habit of printing imperfect copies, which were very carelessly collated, if collated at all. He hoped that even at the present time, when the public money was required to be expended with so much care, a sum, which probably would not exceed 2,000l. a year, might be spared for this purpose. He concluded by moving, "That an humble address be presented to his majesty, to represent to his majesty, that the editions of the works of our Antient Historians are incorrect and defective; that many

of their writings still remain in manuscript, and in some cases in a single copy only; and that an uniform and convenient edition of the whole, published under his majesty's royal sanction, would be an undertaking honourable to his majesty's reign, and conducive to the advancement of Historical and Constitutional knowledge: That this House, therefore, humbly beseeches his majesty to give such directions as his majesty in his wisdom may think fit, for the publication of a Complete Edition of the Antient Historians of this Realm: and that this House begs leave to assure his Majesty, that whatever expense may be necessary for this purpose will be made good by this House."

Sir J. Mackintosh felt great satisfaction in seconding the motion, and considered the work proposed to be one of the very highest utility. Generally speaking, the government of England was a little in arrear as to its patronage of literature; but it was highly creditable to the state of society in this country, that we saw works got up by individual enterprize, which in other countries would have required the assistance of the legislature. With respect to the work in question, however, there were a variety of causes the great capital required-the great devotion of time-the limited extent of probable sale-and certain laws which pressed heavily upon the publication of expensive workswhich were likely to prevent its being performed by individual speculation. For the conductor of the work there was an individual (Mr. Petrie, of the Tower) eminently qualified; and if he were not employed immediately, the

desire of employing him might come too late. The work would be a history of the progress of the Constitution; and, as such, it would be extremely valuable; and, whatever might be the anxiety not to spend the public money un

necessarily, there could, he thought, be no objection to the principle of the address.

The proposition was received with unanimous approbation from both sides of the House.

TH

THERE never was a session of parliament, in which foreign affairs excited so little discussion as in the present. No changes took place on the continent of Europe. No new revolutions broke out; there was no violent interference of foreign powers to arrest the revolutions that were already in progress. Inactivity, therefore (a watchful inactivity doubtless), was all that was required of our ministers; and thus, they not interfering with any thing, and there being nothing for them to interfere with, no ground could be laid to blame them either for doing what ought not to have been done, or for omitting what ought to have been done. One or two futile attempts were made to convert the affairs of the Greeks into a theme of parliamentary discussion. On the 15th of July, sir J. Mackintosh presented a petition from the inhabitants of Lees, in the parish of Ashton-under-Line, praying the House to interfere in behalf of the Greeks. The learned gentle man enforced the prayer of the petition in a short speech. Mr.

Hume, Mr. C. Hutchinson, and sir R. Wilson, complained shortly of the part which the British government had taken in opposition to the interests of civilization, humanity, and the Christian religion. Mr. Wilberforce expressed regret, that some simultaneous effort for the protection of the Greeks was not made by all the leading powers of Europe, so as to drive the Turks back into Asia. Mr. Wil mot and the marquis of London derry contended, that the strictest impartiality had been observed by the British government.

It was really marvellous, said lord Londonderry, to see how the friends of peace could sometimes advocate the cause, and most unnecessarily, of war. His hon. friend, at all times conscientiously supporting the doctrines of benevolence and peace, was now dis closing to the House a propo sal to relegate and to throw back upon Asia a Turkish population of some 5,000,000 of souls. Now, whatever might be said about Turkish inhumanity, it did appear to him, that neither the crusade, which his hon. friend

had proclaimed against the Turks, nor the sentence of transportation pronounced against them, were very likely to have the effect of expelling them from Europe. Gentlemen on the other side did his majesty's ministers great injustice, when they supposed that their exertions had been confined to mediating terms of peace between Russia and the Porte. The danger of Greece had not been lost sight of, and every thing, which it was in the power of our government to effect, had been done. He could assure those gentlemen, who appeared to possess a peculiar system for the better management of foreign affairs, that neither the government nor the country were so wild, as to be prepared to take up arms with a view to the more effective and impartial administration of justice in the dominions of Turkey. But no effort had been neglected, which, it might have been hoped, would either have prevented, or at least have softened, the horrors of a war, marked by atrocities, that were equally disgraceful to Greece and to the Porte.

The petition was ordered to be printed; but no farther proceedings were taken upon it.

Two days afterwards, lord Grosvenor brought the same subject before the House of Lords, on a motion relative to the Greek hostages from Scio, who had been executed at Constantinople. The personal safety, said lord Grosvenor, of the hostages was at first respected; but when it appeared probable that hostilities would not be commenced by the Russians, that moment was chosen by the Turkish government for putting those unfortunate men to death. It was reported, that a

pledge had been obtained by the British minister from the Turkish government, that this atrocity should not be perpetrated. But whether such a pledge had or had not been given, the horrible massacre of the unfortunate hostages was a transaction, which would justify the interference of every civilized nation. At least, it required us to cease to give countenance to, and to withdraw from all connexion with barbarians, who disregarded every principle of humanity, and violated the most solemn engagements. He should, perhaps, be told that the proper policy for this country was, to take no part in the contest between the Turks and the Greeks. If so, it would at least follow, that the government of this country ought to act with perfect impartiality, and show no favour to one belligerent party more than to another. But was this the case? Ministers professed a strict neutrality, but there were at least strong suspicions, that the Porte was decidedly favoured by the British government. Look at the Turkish frigate now arming in the Thames. If it should prove true, that stores, arms, and ammunition were furnished to this frigate if the employment of Englishmen on board of a vessel intended to carry on hostilities against the Greeks should be connived at, what would become of the impartial neutrality, which ministers had pretended to maintain? Nothing could be more disgraceful than such a connivance. Nay, this arming of a ship of war was a violation of the law: it was prohibited by the measure which ministers had introduced to the disadvantage of the independent states of South America; and if they countenanced the fitting out

of the Turkish frigate, they rendered themselves amenable to the penalties of their own foreign enlistment act. In extenuation of the barbarity with which the war was carried on by the Turks, it had been said that the Greeks committed equal atrocities. This assertion was not made out, and certainly the Greeks were not the first aggressors. The instance, in which the Greeks were distinctly charged with the commission of cruelties, was at the taking of Tripolizza; but what was done there, however, blameable, was merely in retaliation for the horrible atrocities perpetrated by the Turks, previous to the taking of that place by assault. When the nature of the contest was considered, and the consequence of failure on the part of the Greeks, it would not be surprising if they were sometimes led to retaliate on their enemies the cruelties to which they were themselves exposed. It was difficult to account for the course, which ministers had thought fit to pursue in this business. He could only attribute their conduct to apprehension of the increasing strength of Russia. But if ministers acted prudently, there would be no danger of increasing the power of Russia by affording assistance to the Greeks. It would be only necessary to support Greece as an independent government, and Russia would be hindered from reaping any particular advantage from the emancipation of a Christian people from Turkish dominion. He concluded with moving "that an humble address be presented to his majesty, praying that he would be pleased to order to be laid before the House, copies or extracts of the despatches received from his majesty's mi

nister at Constantinople relative to the execution at that capital of the Greek hostages from Scio."

The Earl of Liverpool repelled the charge of partiality. The vessel, to which allusion had been made, had arrived in this country, before the commencement of hostilities in Greece; she came in the character of a merchant ship, and was in part loaded with antiquities for the British Museum. Under these circumstances, the government could not but permit her to refit and take sailors on board, to navigate her homeward; but the permission to employ these sailors was limited to the voyage to Malta. Other proofs of the studious impartiality of the British government might be found in their positive refusal to supply this vessel with arms, or to permit the Pacha to purchase two frigates in this country, which he was most desirous of doing. With respect to the execution of the Sciote hostages, which he characterized as a "flagitious act," his lordship contended that the British government was excluded from interference by the universally admitted rule, that one government could interfere in the internal concerns of another, only in cases where its own security was menaced. Lord Strangford had, on the footing of friendship and persuasion, used his best exer tions to avert that horrible tragedy; but on any ground of right it was impossible for him to interpose. He therefore was unable to give these unfortunate persons any guarantee; and in fact gave none whatever. The motion of earl Grosvenor was negatived without a division.

Our relations towards the South American states formed a topic of considerable importance and