tional Affembly and in all public and private meetings. It was often apprehended that they would not terminate in words alone, io vio⚫lent was the animofity of both parties, and fo ready to run into ex tremities. Notwithstanding the depreffion of those who were denominated ariftocrats, they boldly and vigore oufly feized every occafion of maintaining their opinions in the Affembly. The nearer it approached to the term of its diffolution, the more determination they difplayed in thwarting and embaraffing every measure that was propofed by the popular party. Next to the Abbé Maury, they had not a more refoJute and indefatigable opponent than Mr. Malouet. This gentleman was remarkable for his acutenefs in bringing forwards fuch queftions as he knew would perplex his antagonifts, and in framing arguments that would require much labour and time to anfwer them. He perfifted to the laft in exerting his abilities against them, upon every fubject that afforded him an opportunity. In the laft investigation of the finances, previous to the Affembly's diffolution, he reprefented all who had been employed in that department as guilty of grofs mistakes, and incompetent to the task they had affumed; and he explicitly denied the authenticity of their accounts. It was with much difficulty that matter was finally adjusted. The greateft efforts had been made to prejudice the public against the Affembly, and to detain it by force in the metropolis, till every allegation refpecting the public revenue had undergone the ftricteft and minute difcuffion. Happily for the Affembly, however, it found means to produce vouchers and documents for the propriety of its conduct in pecuniary matters, that proved fatisfactory to the public, notwithftanding the vchement allegations of thofe who reprobated them, and who still refolutely continued to deny their validity, until they were compelled to defift by the obvious neceflity of yielding to that determination which was enforced by fuch a majority of fuffrages. In This was the laft effort of the ariftocratic party before the final diffolution of the Affembly. order to remove the fufpicions that had been circulated to their difadvantage, they laid before the public a minute fpecification of all the money that had been levied and brought into the treafury, ftating the amount, the disbursement, and the remainder. In confirmation of this ftatement, the committee of finance undertook to be refponfible for its exactness to the enfuing legiflature. According to the calculations that were published, the revenue of the kingdom, during the years 1789 and 1790, and the firft half of the prefent year 1791, had produced a total of feventeen hundred and fifty-fix millions of livres, of which feventeen hundred and nineteen had been expended. On the 30th of September, fixed for the diffolution of the Affembly, the King came to the Houfe and took leave of them, in a very gracious and friendly fpeech, wherein he folemnly repeated his promifes to maintain the constitution with inviolable fidelity. confequence of this, a proclamation was itled the following day, enjoining in his name a fteady and regular obfervance of the established conftitution, that Europe might be convinced the French were de ferving ferving to be a free people. Thus, and its strength exifted no more: to fpeak as the revolutionists, ended the first true National Affembly that ever fat in France fince the foundation of the monarchy: all the Affemblies that had gone before, did by no means merit that honourable appellation in fo perfect and complete a fenfe as the prefent. The proof that it was truly national was, that it did more for the good of the nation in the fhort fpace of little more than two years, than all the antecedent meetings had done in the course of fourteen centuries. It had deftroyed defpotifm, and erected in its room a lawful monarchy; it had framed a conftitution, founded on principles which provided equally for the happinefs of every part of society. But their antagonists reprefented it as a factious affemblage of turbulent and ambitious individuals; who, to promote the fcheme they had formed of feizing the government into their own hands, had thrown the kingdom into a state of anarchy; and, under the pretence of reforming abufes, had introduced the moft unwarrantable and ruinous infurrections. France, from the most refpectable and powerful monarchy in Europe, was now become the derifion of its neighbours: its credit was loft, an il its new conftitution was lufive theory, which experience had already fhown to be unre ducible to practice: it had eradicated all fubordination by confecrating the principle of infurreétion, and, inftead of a regular fyftem of public freedom, had eftablished only popular licentioufnefs. Such were the contradictory opinions touching this great revolution. Few perfons were neutral in a bufinefs of so much importance to all, and fewer ftill impartial enough to confider it with coolness and candour. It was either applauded or condemned with a heat and violence that excluded all temperance of argument and liberality of difcuffion. The moft judicious feemed to be those who, waving all reafonings, appealed to time as the only decider of the controverfy: convinced that, in all political queftions of fuch magnitude, as experience alone adduces the ultimate proof of what is pernicious or beneficial, it would be unpardonable temerity to judge by anticipation of an event that was little more than commencing, and had not therefore attained a ftate of maturity fufficient to induce prudent men to venture their opinions. CHAP. XI. The Minifter announces the profperous State of the Finances of Great Britain. This Statement followed immediately by a Declaration of the Neceffity of preparing for War with Spain. Reflections on the annual Million for liquidating the National Debt. The Spaniards feize English Trading Veffels on the NorthWeft Coaft of America. Circumftances that induced and encouraged them to take that hold Step. Preparations for War on the Part of both Spain and Great Britain. Arguments for the Univerfal Liberty of that Commerce, and Freedom of the Ocean; and for a Right of appropriating unoccupied Land, by Occupancy and Labour. Oppofite Sentiments concerning Colonization at the Conclufion of the American War, and in the prefent Period. A Vote of One Million Million for Military Preparations. Tone of the British Nation at the General Election for a New Parliament, 1790. Ο Μ N the 15th of April 1790, Mr. Pitt, Chancellor of the Exchequer, congratulated the Britifh Houfe of Commons on the profperous ftate of the finance of the country, which he was that day enabled to lay before it, not upon fpeculation and conjecture, but from facts. We continued, he obferved, to enjoy the blefling of profound peace and flourishing com merce. By the end of the current year, the annual income would be fully equal to the annual expenditure; while an accumulating finking fund would by a rapid operation, liquidate the public debt already contracted. Scarcely were the panegyrics on the minifter, in confequence of fuch glad tidings, pronounced, when he again came to parliament (5th) announced the probability of a war with Spain, and demanded a fupply of money for the purpofe of making the neceffary preparations for that event, if it could not be avoided. The fair profpects held out by the minifter began already to vanish: the efficacy of the annual million for a finking fund, depended on the perpetuity of peace, or at leaft a peace of about half a century *. But wars, or alarms of war, from that period to the prefent, have mocked the vifionary plan of reducing fo enormous a debt, by robbing Peter to pay Paul; making the public both debtor and creditor, and taking from the one hand to give to the other; while additional burthens, compared with which the operation of the finking fund is only as a drop in the bucket, have from year to year preffed harder and harder. The armament against Spain was followed by an armament against Ruffia; and scarcely was the Ruffian armament diffolved, when we were involved in new armaments, on a greater and more expenfive fcale than ever. The ceffion of Minorca, the Floridas, and the whole Mosquito Shore, inflamed the pride of a nation that refted the glory of their At the time when Mr. Pitt established the finking fund, a spirit of innovation and restleffness had gone forth into all civilized nations; and no minifter could gain, or long preferve, any degree of popularity without doing or feeming to do, or intend fomething in the way of reformation and improvement. It was probably in compliance with this fpirit, that Mr. Pitt adopted the expedient of a finking fund. As the French conftitutionalists were led into an error by over-rating the virtue of their countrymen, fo Mr. Pitt feems to have been led into a hopelets project by over-rating the moderation and juft and pacific difpofitions of nations. Yet it is to be confidered, that although this mode of liquidating the national debt be nugatory with refpect to its profeffed object, and in fact a juggle, or, if we may fay fo, a financical fophifm, yet it has had a substantial effect in propping public credit. This, from being the great medium of transferring property, has become a kind of money or property itself. Its exiftence and value depends on an act of the mind; on belief, or faith: and as it is thus of a metaphyfical (and not like other kinds of money, a phyfical nature) it may be continued and multiplied as long as it is poffible to operate on the human mind, either by the conclufions of reafon, or the illufions of the imagination. monarchy monarchy very much on the boundlefs extent of their territory, and who, with arms in their own hands, faw the British nation immerfed in commerce, and her minifter placing his ftability chiefly in the accumulation of revenue: an object from which they imagined he would not be eafily diverted. By feizing certain trading veffels, with their cargoes, in 1789, they took an emphatic proteft against the fettlement of the English at Nootka Sound, a portion of that coaft, of which, in confequence of a famous papal bull, they claimed the exclufive property. The English had eftablifhed a colony at Botany Bay, and a fishery near the coafts of Chili. They had now taken poffeffion of Nootka Sound; nor would this, the Spaniards naturally fuppofed, be the last of their enterprizes in thofe quarters. Other nations (as the Dutch, Danes, and Swedes) if a timely check fhould not be given to the growing evil, might follow the example. The Spaniards, furrounded and intermixed with fo many maritime powers, would lofe their authority in South America; without which, fince the decline of their industry and population, they would not poffels any great weight in the fcale of nations. The King of Spain was therefore induced to take the most vigorous measures, and run the risk of a war with a power much fuperior to his own, particularly on the element where the conteft must be decided by a naval force, for maintaining an exclufive right to what was little better to him than a terra incognita, or than those regions in the heavens which the bountiful complaifance of the first difcoverers beftows not unfrequently on their respective fovereigns: but, perhaps, he could not have ventured on fo bold a line of conduct, if he had not been encouraged by a profpect of foreign affiftance, arifing out of the political circumftances of the grand European republic. It is certainly the intereft of Portugal to remain a fingle and independent kingdom. The treatment which it experienced after it had fallen under the dominion of Philip II. of Spain, two centuries ago, has made an impreffion on the Portuguese nation, which would refift any defign that might be formed by Kings or courtiers for a fecond reunion of the two kingdoms. Such a profpect, however, must be highly pleafing, and therefore readily indulged by the court of Spain; which, being the larger beyond comparison of the two kingdoms, would of course become the fole ruler of both, according to the invariable rule that governs fuch connexions between fuperior and inferior ftates. Under fuch views, the marriage of the Infanta of Spain with the Prince of Brazil, which was concluded in April 1790, gave uncommon fatisfaction to the court of Madrid; as it powerfully cemented a friendship, from which it might not only derive many prefent advantages, but which might be improved into the means of reuniting the whole Spanish peninfula into one noble empire. The Plus Ultra, infcribed on a globe, the Spanish motto. VOL. XXXIII. P fituation encou fituation of Europe at this time, offered to the Spanish court other confiderations, ftill more raging than this important alliance, in cafe of a war with Britain. A good understanding certainly preVailed at this time between the courts of Madrid and St. Peters burgh. Though, by the approximation of their immenfe dominions on the northern and eaftern coafts of Afia and the northern and weftern coafts of America, they would be, and may one day become enemies, if thofe regions were peopled and cultivated, they were for the prefent united by a common jeaouty and fear of the English; and overtures, it was believed, had been made to the Spanish miniftry, on the part of Ruffia, for acting conjointly against England, if Spain would gratify Ruffia by the ceffion, of fome ifland in the Mediterranean, as a ftation for her fhipping. Nor was Ruffia the only power from which the Spaniards, in cafe of a war with England, probably expected affiftance. Other powers might be induced to appear on the fide of Spain, in conjunction with Ruffia, from a dread of the alliance, expected with certainty, to be formed between Great Britain, Holland, Pruffia, Sweden, Poland, and Turkey: a confederation which threatened to overwhelm all oppo fition, and to give law to all Et rope. But the aid and co-operation on which the cabinet of Madrid chiefly depended, was that of France, agreeably to the terms of the family compact. The refolutions of the National Affembly on that subject, will be seen in the fketch we have given of French affairs. Mirabeau, who then bore the chief fway in the French government (it is now well enough known) had determined to fupport the Spaniards, in oppofition to the pretenfions of England *. He was of opinion, that this was due to the dignity of the French monarchy and nation; and he did not affect to conceal an indignation against that domineering spirit which has rendered the British flag an object of hatred as well as awe, and with too much justice, to almost all the maritime world. It is natural farther to fuppofe, that this extraordinary man, who had begun to experience the difficulty of confining the tide of popular paffions within any tolerable bounds of moderation, and alfo the danger that threatened the existence of monarchy in France, might wish to divert the minds of the people from too close an investigation of political rights, to occupy the ardent and reftlefs genius of his countrymen in war; and, by an exercise and * Towards the end of 1789, a pamphlet was published in London, containing arguments in defence of the conduct of Spain; and arraigning that of England as equally unjuft and impolitic. A French gentleman, an intimate friend of Mirabeau, who happened to be in England in the beginning of 1790, carried over this pamphlet, and thewed it to that ftatefman. After an attentive perufal of it, he expreffed the moft perfect fatisfaction with its contents, and requested that he would tranflate it into French; which he did. The translation, accomplished in two days, was immediately, at the defire of Mirabeau, published. This accords with what was faid by Mirabeau, in his last illness (when he was fenfible of his approaching end) of Mr. Pitt:-" I think, if I had lived, I would have given this minister of Preparations fome trouble.” encrea |