ministers were not only acquiesced in, but generally popular? Had not the war been approved of by a vast majority of the country, and prosecuted, through all its various stages, with the concurring and most decisive approbation of parliament? Was it not to his majesty's ministers that the country was indebted for the prevention of that anarchy to which the language of those who opposed them so strongly tended? When he considered the present situation of public affairs, and turned his thoughts to all the consequences likely to result from a base and servile compliance with the leading doctrines of the day, he should boldly say, that his majesty's ministers would not tamely desert that honourable post which they had hitherto so happily filled, by directing all their efforts to the ease, contentment, and happiness of the people. He confessed, that, were the motion to be carried in the affirmative, it would impart to him the most serious concern and regret; not on his own personal acCount, but, that he would, thereby, be cut off from the best opportunities of contributing his talents, such as they were, to the security, interest, and happiness, of his gracious master and his country. It would not, indeed, become him, he said, to make any comparison between his own capacity and that of any of the noble lords who uniformly opposed his majesty's ministers: but, on the ground of an active zeal for the real interests of the state, and of a decided and unalterable resolution to oppose, by the most unwearied exertions and the most vigorous efforts, those principles which struck at the very existence of the constitution, he would be bold to maintain, that he was second to none. As to a reform of parliament, the chief measure proposed by noble lords in opposition, he had ever opposed that innovation, and even a temperate reform. He concluded by intreating their lordships to reflect, that, if they once opened the flood-gates of innovation, the torrent of anarchy would spread so forcibly and wide, that it would not be in the power of their lordships, by opposing their feeble hands as a barrier to destruction, to prevent the constitution from being overwhelmed in general ruin. The duke of Leeds, with a dignified modesty and candour, expressed, in delicate terms, a degree of dissatisfaction at the lofty tone of the speech the house had just heard: at the same time, that he did not wish, at the present crisis, to urge all that might be advanced against the conduct of administration. The abilities of the present ministers, he was ready to allow, nor would he say that they had been intentionally wicked. He could not help conceiving, however, that they had been pecaliarly unfortunate, and therefore, he begged leave to submit to the re-consideration of the right honourable secretary, whether it would not be more delicate and decorous to leave the task of praising either their own talents or virtues, to others, than taking it, and that, he could not but say, on so many occasions, particularly in that house, upon themselves. He could not help conceiving that the noble secretary had, as it were, made the constitution depend for preservation, not so much upon its own intrinsic merit, as upon the continuance of the present minister3 in in office; with which, the constitution itself, according to their representations, seemed to be, in some degree, identified. For his part, he was convinced, it did not depend on any set of men whatever. His grace entreated both sides of the house, in the most earnest manner, to proceed calmly in the discussion of a question which involved consequences of the utmost importance. His grace disapproved of parliamentary reform at the present moment, and expressed a wish that the previous question were moved, but declined moving it. Lord Grenville admitted, that others, perhaps, might be found of equal ability with the present ministers, of whom, however, he did not conceive that he could be consider ed as the panegyrist, when he did them no more than bare justice. The ground of his opposition to the present motion, as he had stated before, was a serious conviction that it was the object of some noble lords, by overturning the present administration, to bring about a revolution in the country. The earl of Moira, for one, was not disposed to ascribe to ministers that prosperity which arose from the progress of affairs, particularly of mechanical invention, and the energy of British merchants, whose genius and enterprizing spirit would constantly carry the country forward from one degree of prosperity to another, if administration did not put bars in their way. The noble secretary of state had opposed the motion lest the constitution should be overturned. But, said lord Moira, I shall ever object to this mode of argument, as it identifies the present ministers with the constitution, and tends to sink the confidence of the country in its own resources, and in the frame and form of its government." With regard to Ireland, he hoped it was not yet too late to conciliate: but this could not be done by any half measures. The earl Spencer objected to the motion on the same ground with lord Grenville; namely, that it connected its object with a change of measures, which, he firmly believed, would prove ruinous to the country." The earl of Darnley said, the country dreaded the adoption of such a motion, not knowing in whom to repose confidence. An uniforinity of opposition to every measure of administration, whatever it might be, with other circumstances of a private as well as public nature, had induced a general suspicion throughout the country, that the most active oppositionists had other views than the preservation of the consitution and interests of the country. The duke of Bedford, to the main arguments against his motion, made a short reply. The lord chancellor said, the only fair construction the motion could bear, was, that it aimed at an introduction of a new system of government. Having read that part of the motion which related to the situation of Ireland, he asked, whether it was to be imputed a matter of crimination to ministers, that they did not attempt to interfere with the Irish legislature, and to violate a solemn compact made with the people of that country? From the general tenour as of of the motion, he inferred that its object was to promote a complete change of system, under the pretext of forwarding a parliamentary reform; that it led to a system wilder than even that of universal suffrage: to disfranchise all corporations-to empower the house of commons to uncreate their creators—and to destroy the rights of the very men who made them members of parliament: ecclesiastical corporations would go of course. Whatever partook of the nature of franchise property, or privilege, would be cut up by the root, and the principle of an Agrarian law introduced in its stead. The duke of Bedford observed that there was a fallacy in comparing an elective franchise, a right possessed by individuals for the good of the whole, to private property. After this the house divided on his grace's motion. Contents 14, not contents 91. The duke of Bedford then entered his protest, which was adhered to by the lord Chedworth. The session of parliament was concluded, by a speech from the throne, on the twentieth of July. CHRONICLE. 尊 Sd. A JANUARY. Confiderable change has taken place in the pofition of the ftones which form an extraordinary relic of the ancient fuperftitions of our countrymen. This is attributed to the rapid thaw which fucceeded a very hard froft. Some people employed at the plough, near Stonehenge, remarked that three of the large ftones had fallen, and were apprized of the time of their fall by a very fenfible concuffion, or jarring, of the ground. Thefe ftones prove to be the western of thofe pairs, with their impofts, which have had the appellation of Trilithon; and had long deviated from its true perpendicular. There were, originally, five of these trilithons, two of which are even now ftill remaining in their ancient state. It is remarkable, that no account has ever been recorded of the falling of the others; and, perhaps, no alteration has been made in the appearance of Stonehenge for three centuries prior to the prefent tremendous downfall. The impoft, which is the smallest of the three ftones, is fuppofed to weigh 20 tons. They all now lie proftrate on the ground, and have received no injury from their aerial feparation. They fell flat weftward, and levelled with the ground a stone alfo of the fecond circle VOL. XXXIX. that stood in the line of their precipitation. From the lower ends of the fupporters being now expofed to view, their prior depth in the ground is fatisfactorily afcertained: it appears to have been about fix feet. The ends, however, having been cut oblique, neither of them was, on one fide, more than a foot and a half deep. Two only of the five trilithons, of which the adytum confifted, are now, therefore, in their original pofition. The deftruction of any part of this grand oval we muft particularly lament, as it was compofed of the most ftupendous materials of the whole ftructure.---A fimilar change of weather occafioned the difclofure of a fubterraneous paffage at Old Sarum in 1795. The new Emperor of Ruffia has iffued an order enjoining all foreigners in Peterburgh to wear cocked hats, their hair in bags, &c. and not to drive through the city with more than two horfes. With refpect to the mourning for the Emprefs, the four first claffes of people muft furnish their fervants with fables, every coach muft have the fame covering, and horfes, without diftinction of colour, be provided with black tails. The Emperor has alfo given orders that the penfion of Stanislaus, late king of Poland, fhall be paid with the utmost punctuality. This unfortunate A Prince |