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To all the other circumstances that tended to encourage the hopes, and inflame the ambition of the French republic, is to be added the death of the empress of Russia. Though it might seem to a sound politician, unwarped by prejudice or passion, that an emperor of Russia could not be other than hostile to the friends of Sweden and the Porte, and the patrons of revolution in Poland; yet there was generally in Sovereign princes, as well as in prime ministers and governors of allkinds, a jealousy of the very shade, and a disposition to recede in their conduct, from the measures and maxims of their predecessors. Neither the temper and genius of Paul I. nor the terms on which he had lived with his illustrious mother, gave any reason to expect that he would strictly adhere to her plans, and adopt her intentions. In fact, he had no sooner mounted the throne of Russia, than he countermanded the orders that had been given for the march of the troops to Gallicia. He entered into a negociation for a settlement of an old debt, due by the Russian government, to the Seven United Provinces, and for the establishment of a treaty of commerce. He shewed a disposition to become a mediator for peace, in danger of being broken, between the Austrians and Prussians, and seemed even ambitious of being the arbiter of a general peace in Europe.

Thus Great Britain and Austria were the sole adversaries that France had now to encounter. But the successes of its arms had so completely defeated all the projects they had jointly engaged in against it, that no apprehensions were entertained of their being able to turn the scale of fortune by any subse

quent efforts. The efficacy of these must naturally be diminished proportionably to the losses and discomfitures they had met with, and would, probably, still experience, if they were to persist in a contest, in which, being only the remainder of the coalition, they could not hope to be less unsuccessful than it had proved in the united strength of its whole power.

In addition to the maritime force of Spain, France relied with still more confidence on that of the Batavian republic. The numerous seamen, employed in its extensive commerce, had always borne the character of a brave and hardy race of men, completely skilled in their profession, and incomparably preferable, in every respect, to the Spanish mariners. That republic was now exerting itself to fit out as many ships of war as were lying in its ports, and of adding them to those of its French and Spanish confederates, in hopes of depriving the English of the empire of the sea.

This hope had not been diminished by the failure of the attempt against Ireland, which the French attributed solely to the unpropitious weather that had constantly attended the expedition. It had been planned, in their opinion, on the best of all grounds; the noted discontents of a people ill-treated, and weary of a yoke that had for centu ries kept them in a state of depression. They were all ripe for a vigorous resistance, and required only a moderate assistance to deliver themselves from the tyrany of Eng land. Though the first essay to relieve them had failed, from causes that could not, in the nature of things, be obviated, it was not to be imagined, that these would al[B 2]

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ways recur. The attempt ought, therefore, to be resumed, as the opportunity still continued as inviting as ever. It was ignominious for rhree such powers as France, Spain, and Holland, to desist from so practicable a design, which they had every reason to prosecute, and none to abandon. The fleets of Great Britain were not superior to those of the potent confederacy, formed against it; and so many advantages would result from the accomplishment of the object proposed, that it ought, in good policy, to be persisted in, against all difficulties, and at all hazards. Such was the language of the French.

Animated by motives of this kind, the three allied powers resolved to exert themselves, without intermis sion, in the equipment of such a naval force, as might effectually confront the British marine, and inake, at the same time, a successful impression upon that part of the empire of Great Britain, which appear ed most vulnerable. Such was the plan in the contemplation of the enemies of England, and of which they formed the most sanguine expectations. Nor did the most sagacious politicians look upon it as ill founded, though they were equally persuaded, that it would meet with every obstruction from the long noted valour and skill of their adversaries. Thus, all circumstances contributed to render the present year productive of events, not less, if not more, important and striking than those that had prec.ded. The eyes of all the European nations, were anxiously fixed on the vast preparations making against a power, which, if it resisted them, would become greater than ever: but of which the destiny seemed uncer

tain, when the rooted hostility, and the prodigious efforts of such formidable enemies, were duly and impartially considered.

The readiness with which the French government broke off the negociation with England, arose, in the opinion of those who were reputed the most judicious, in the firm persuasion that the triple alliance, as it was styled, now formed against it, could hardly fail to compass the ends it proposed, by prosecuting them with the energy and perseverance, of which they were deserving.

While France was so busily intent on the means of effecting the downfall of England, it was no less occupied in preparing, as it hoped, the final destruction of the power of Austria. The spirit with which this latter sustained the successive disasters that had befallen its repeated endeavours to maintain its ground in Italy, had kept alive the courage of its subjects and well-wishers to such a degree, that they all concurred in a resolute determination to stand by it as long as the least prospect remained of any possibility to retrieve its affairs.

The theatre, to which the attention of Europe was chiefly turned, at the end of the last and beginning of the present year, was Italy. The exploits of Buonaparte had not yet terminated, as he had long expected, and many labours awaited him before the accomplishment of that object, without which, both he and his foes well-foresaw that his views would be frustrated, and the fruits of his victories lost. This was the capture of Mantua, which held out with an obstinacy that had never been exceeded in the defence of

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any place. The garrison was reduced to almost every species of hardship and distress, and yet un. derwent the severest duties and fa-, tigues, with a cheerfulness and fortitude that never slackened in the multiplicity of trials that daily arose from the indefatigable activity of the besiegers.

The siege of this important fortress had now lasted seven months. Marshal Wurmser, who had as gallantly, as skilfully, forced his way to the city, through so many obstacles, had so much revived the courage of the garrison, that, under his command, they began to enter tain fresh hope of a successful resistance. He was upwards of seventy: but age seemed to have had no other effect upon him, than to increase his experience. His active disposition remained unimpaired, and no officer under him exceeded the vigour and celerity of action which he displayed upon every occasion. He not only concerted, but personally conducted every plan that was executed for the preservation of Mantua. He acquired by his unremitted efforts and valour, the particular esteem of Buonaparte, who ranked him above any general with whom he had contended.

His other opponent, Alvinzi, was now unable to encounter hun in the field, and had cantoned the shattered remains of his defeated army, in various positions along the northern side of the Brenta, awaiting the supplies that were collecting with all diligen e in the emperor's hereditary dominions. So great were the efforts of the Austrian government, that, before the end of December, Alvinzi saw himself at the head of a complete and regular

army, the fifth that had been brought together to oppose the French, during this eventful campaiga.

Buonaparte, who had calculated. the surrender of Mantua, previously, to the renewal of hostilities with Alvinzi, was now necessitated to Jesame offensive operations against him, before he could arrive at this important acquisition. He had, at the same time, other objects in contemplation: the settlement of the two republics that were forming on the north and on the south of the Po, and the suppression of the attempts making by the pope, to resist the designs formed against him by the French.

The forces which the pope had collected were not, indeed, formi dable, either for muitary fame or nurubers. It is not to be supposed, that this pontit was so weak as to suppose that they could, of themselves, make any tolerable stand against the French; but it was poss sible, that his courageous example might re-animate religious zeal, and inspire resolution into the sovereigns and subjects of other states. his holiness, therefore, put his troops, such as they were, in march towards Romagna, to watch the states of Reggio, Ferrara, Bologna, and Modena, which had declared themselves independent: and also in order to favour the escape of general Wurinser in the Ferrarese, or into the ecclesiastical states, in case of necessity, from Mantua.

But, as these appeared objects of a secondary consideration, when weighed with the former, the French commander resolved at once to take the field against the new army of Austrians, prepared to dispute once more the sovereignty of Italy, confident, that if fortune again favoured [B3]

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him, it would be the last effort of Austria for the recovery of its lost dominions.

Alvinzi was now advancing from the Brenta, with the utmost expedition. His army, fifty thousand strong, was composed of the best troops that could be procured. It counted large numbers of volunteers from the best families in Vienna, most of them young men in the prime of life, and desirous of signalizing their attachment and loyalty to the emperor on this critical occasion. The intentions of the Austrian commander were, to force a passage to Mantua, where the junction of the garrison would give him a decided superiority over the French, whose strength was greatly reduced, by the numerous battles they had fought. The reinforcements, promised to Buonaparte, were not yet arrived, and the knowledge of this circumstance was an additional motive for Alvinzi to quicken his notions.

A strong division of his army attacked on the eighth of January, 1797, a French post in front of Porto Legnago, on the Adige. The French, though inferior in number, maintained their position the whole day, and retired at night in good order to this place: apprised of this attack, the whole of the French line, along that river, was obliged to concentrate itself, in hope of being able to resist the Austrians until it was relieved by the succours that had been dispatched by Puonaparte.

This gene al, after inspecting the posts in the vicinity of Mantua, and providing a strong reinforcement for general Augereau, who commanded the line on the Adige, hastened to Verona, where he arrived in time

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In the mean time, the Austrian general had crossed the Adige; and, with the whole of his force, fallen upon Joubert, who had not half his number, and compelled him to withdraw to Rivoli, between the Adige and the lake of Guarda. This happened on the thirteenth. As soon as Buonaparte was informed of what had passed, and particularly of the line of march observed by the Imperialists, which was obviously directed towards Mantua, he set out for Rivoli, where he arrived at midnight, with as powerful reinforcements as he had been able to collect in the course of the day.

Unfortunately for the Austrian general, he was totally unapprised of the arrival of Buonaparte, and of the reinforcements that accompanied him. He adhered of course to the plan of attack which he had previously projected: nor did he discover the real strength of the French, till they had commenced their attack upon the Austrians, whom they drove from a post which they had taken from them on the preceding day.

This first success was obtained early on the morning of the fourteenth. It enabled general Joubert to occupy the high grounds on

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the right banks of the Adige, and to make an impression on the left of the Austrians. But their right assailed the left wing of the French so vigorously, that it gave way, and the centre of the Austrian army bore down in compact order on the centre of the French. Auspiciously for these, Massena's division arrived at that instant, as the commanderin-chief had calculated they would, on the field of battle. Buonaparte who had succeeded in rally ing his left wing, put himself in person at the head of this division. It fell with such fury on the Imperial centre, that it was instantly broken and thrown into disorder, and the left of the French, after being rallied, recovered the posts it had lost: but the Austrian centre soon rallied, and, seconded by part of their right, returned to the charge, and surrounded general Berthier's division in the centre, which stood its ground with great firmness. He was attacked, at the same time, by a strong division from their left. The conflict here was extremely obstinate; but, while the Austrians were striving to turn the centre and right of the French, who had concentrated both, to resist the weight of the enemy's charge, Buonaparte directed a large body of infantry and cavalry to take them in flank, and Joubert at the same instant, fell upon them from the heights he had occupied, with such impetuosity, that they were intirely routed and put to flight. Their centre, however, still maintained the contest, and thereby afforded time for a large column to turn the left of the French, and to cover the ground on their rear: by which their communication was cut off with Verona, and their posts on the

lake of Guarda. The republican forces were thus entirely surrounded. Wherever they cast their eyes, they beheld the enemy on every side. Buonaparte, who had fought, as well as given orders, the whole day, in every direction, was now driven to the centre. He called his field officers around him, and coolly pointed out to each, what he judged to be the least perilous mode of extricating themselves from their imminent danger.

The Austrians, after a general discharge, rushed on to scale the entrenchments at Rivoli, of which they were three times in possession; but they were successively repulsed. In the mean time, a small battery, of four field-pieces, had been brought to cannonade the right wing of the Austrians, through which, it seems, Buonaparte had meditated his escape: but which he now hoped to improve into a victory. Two brigades, in three columns, under the generals Brune and Monnier, were ordered to attack this wing, and dislodge it from the commanding position which it kept on the heights. This desperate service the soldiers effected, advancing, at first, in regular order, singing one of their war-hymns, But they no soccer approached within gun-shot of the enemy, than they rushed on them with desperation. The Austrians, over-whelmed and confounded by the violence of the assailants, fled, panic-struck, towards the lake of Guarda: and meeting with a straggling party of light infantry, who were trying to join the surrounded French army, and whom they supposed to be a more considerable body, laid down their arms,j to the number of three thousand men,

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