it now added Romagna, for the purpose of forming a larger commonwealth, and assented to the petition of the people of the Milanese, and the other districts of Lombardy, who were eager to follow that example, by framing a republican compact on a similar plan.

The union of interests, which would, for many years, indissolubly connect these two republics, was the best security that they would make a common cause against the restoration of either the Austrian or the papal power; both which were equally inimical to their newly acquired liberties, and would neglect no opportunity of reducing them to their former yoke. The French government, having resolved to ac. cede to no pacification that should replace these countries in the possession of two such inveterate enemies as Rome and Austria, was equally studious to enable them, by proper arrangements among themselves, to acquire a degree of strength sufficient to maintain the republican government they had erected, against the efforts which would be made to subvert it by any Italian power, The population of the countries on the north and south of the Po, that composed the two republics, was computed at upwards of four millions. This was amply adequate to their defence against their neighbours, without requiring the assistance of France, which would only be needed to protect them from the hostile designs of Austria; and in this case they would shortly be in a condition to cooperate effectually in resisting them. Thus the influence of France, in Italy, would henceforth be esta blished on the surest foundation, the

necessity of adhering faithfully to it by those states that depend on it for their preservation.

In addition to these measures, others were taken, not less conducive to remove the charge of inhumanity against the French government, than to prove of utility to it in other respects among the Italians. As the laws enacted in France against the refractory clergy,though condemning them to banishment, did not forbid their residence in the countries conquered by the French, Buonaparte, who sought upon all occasions to adopt measures of lenity, availed himself of the powers with which he was invested, to issue a proclamation in favour of these exiles. Herein he granted them a formal permission to reside in those parts of the pope's dominions, that had been subdued by the armies of the republic. The French troops were strictly forbidden to illuse, or insult them, and the inhabi tants of the country of all descriptions were laid under the same restrictions. These refugees were to be provided with all the necessaries of life, at the expence of the convents appointed for their residence. They were in return enjoined to take an oath of fidelity to the French government. This per mission extended not only to those emigrant clergymen who had already taken refuge in the papal territories occupied by the republic, but also to those remaining in France, that were desirous of availing themselves of the like indulgence.

This regulation was highly conciliatory to those numbers of ecclesiastics, who, though disapproving of the changes effected in politics and religious affairs in France, still [C2]

could

could not avoid feeling for their country, and being desirous of its welfare and reputation. Though it had banished them, through apprehensions of danger from their principles, yet the present measure shewed that it had not divested it self of all consideration for them. The priests did not forget the service thus rendered them. However averse to the system established in their country, they still evinced, on several occasions, an attachment to its interests, and a readiness to forward them as far as their consciences would permit.

But while Buonaparte was intent on mitigating the rigour exercised on the non-juring clergy, the French directory took no less care tolay before the inspection of the public, sundry objects of thesuperstitious veneration of those ignorant and credulous mal. titudes, over whom they still retained so much influence. Those objects were the principal relics contained in the church of Loretto. They were transmitted to France, in order to be exposed to derision, and to lessen, by their evident absurdity, the respect and credit of the Romish clergy, as abettors, either through bigotry or hypocrisy, of those equally shameful and ridiculousimpositions.

In the mean time, the rejoicings and exultation of the French, at the capture of Mantua, and the continual successes of their arms in Italy, filled every part of the French republic. The speeches that were pronounced on this occasion, in the council of five hundred, and in that of the ancients, contained all the applause of their soldiers and commanders that enthusiasm could inspire, and all the reprobation of

their enemies that thirst of revenge could produce.

There was, however, a circumstance that diminished the satisfaction, enjoyed by the people, at the triumphs of the French armies. It was in the contemplation of many, to bestow upon the commander-inchief, such aremuneration, as might conspicuously perpetuate the remembrance of his victories. This was to confer upon him the title of Italicus, in imitation of the precedents in ancient Rome, and in some modern states. All parties agreed in acknowledging the extraordinary merit of Buonaparte, and the won derful actions he had performed. But there was also a party, which, though, it did not deny the greatness of his exploits, did not however coincide in the propriety of such a recompence. They either thought, or pretended to think, it inconsistent with those maxims of simplicity in rewards, that had hitherto distinguished the republican government. This surmise was deemed, by a great part of the public, to be founded in envy more than in truth, and proceeding from the royal rather than the republican party. The hopes of those that longed for the return of monarchy were so enfeebled by the events of the campaign of Italy, that they could not disguise their grief. It was not from them the author of these events could expect to be rewarded for what they would have been better pleased that he had never performed, Thus a distinction, which the majority of people asserted he had highly deserved, was withheld from him through resentment and envy, by the intrigues of the enemies to the republic, under pretence of

acting conformably to its principles.

The indifference testified on this and on some preceding occasions, at the successes of Buonaparte and his companions in arms, produced both in him and them a suspicion, that malevolent designs were harboured against the republic; and that, not withstanding the warmth expressed by the numerous majority in its favour, a secret party was forming that consisted of men equally artful and persevering, who would employ every possible method of depreciating the services rendered to it, and who were at the same time so thoroughly determined to effect their purposes, that no obstacles could weary out their patience in striving to compass them.

From this persuasion of their commander-in-chief and his officers, arose the repeated assurances of inviolable attachment and fidelity to the existing government. They thought them necessary to impose a restraint upon its opposers, and to deter them from the attempts they might be meditating, by letting them see how resolutely and effectually they would be resisted.

In order to conciliate the minds of all people to the republic, Buonaparte had been particularly solicitous, ever since his appointment to the supreme command of the French army in Italy, to distinguish himself by a punctual observance of all those maxims, on which the zealous and sincere republicans chiefly prided themselves. He cautiously avoided all ostentation, and in his personal demeanor readily put himself on a footing of perfect equality with all persons of decent situations in society. Hence he had made himself a number of friends, not

only among the French, but among the Italians, who had hitherto experienced little of that condescension, especially from the Germans, who seldom studied to make their authority acceptable among the natives. The French commandernever omitted any opportunity of ingratiating himself either in his private or public intercourse, for either of which he was equally qualified, by hiseducation and the politeness of his manners. The influence he had acquired, by these means, possibly was not inferior to that which he had obtained by his exploits. These made him dreaded, but the others procured him esteem and attachment. The solicitude he had manifested, in effecting and consolidating the fœderal union between the republics, of which he had encouraged the foundation, had, more than any other circumstance, raised his fame and credit among the Italian politicians, who had long wished for the revival of such systems in their country, recollecting how much it had formerly flourished under them.

In compliance with this disposition, which was now become very general in Italy, and to give it every possible countenance and encourage ment, the French commander, while on the papal territories, availed himself of that opportunity to take respectful notice of the little but ancient commonwealth of St. Marino, situated in the duchy of Urbino. He deputed thither citizen Monge, one of the commissioners of arts, and a member of the national institute, a man of genius and knowledge. The commissioner made a speech to the people of St. Marino, which seemed to be intended as an address to all Italy, and indeed to all Europe. He observed that liberty, [C 3]

which

which had transformed the ancient Greeks and Romans into heroes, and had, in latter ages, revived the arts and sciences in the republics of Italy, had, while nearly banished from the face of Europe, still existed in St. Marino, where, by the wisdom of the government, and the virtue of the people, it had been preserved for centuries. The French too, he said, after a whole age of knowledge, had at length perceived their own slavery, and asserted their freedom: But the powers of Europe, shutting their eyes to the interest of mankind, had confederated against the liberty of France, and thought to partition it among them. The French were assailed on all their frontiers; and what most aggravated their calami ties, many of their own country men united with the enemy to distress them. But they stood firm in the midst of all dangers, and gradually overcame all their enemies. Some were glad to relinquish the cor federacy, and others were compelled to sue for peace. Jealousy, pride, and hatred, kept together their emair foes. The French bad, in the course of the present campain, destroyed four Austrian armies; but the even y still rejected peace. The con.missioner then assured the pecple of St. Marino of peace and friendship on the part of France. Were any of their possessions to be disputed, or any adjacent territory necessary to their well-being, they might freely apply to the good of fices of the republic.

The answer to this address was respectful and temporate. After expressing those sentiments of admiration, at the valour and heroism of the French gencral and his army, to which they were justly enuled, the citizens of St. Marino modestly de,

clined those offers of addition to their small territory, which had been made by the French commissioner, telling him, that simplicity of manners, and the enjoyment of liberty, were the best inheritance transmitted to them by their ancestors; and that, content with their mediocrity, they dreaded aggran disement, as dangerous to their freedom. The only request they would make was the protection of France.

The moderation and prudence of the inhabitants of this little republic was justly rewarded by the munificence of the French commander. He presented it with four pieces of cannon, in the name of the French republic. He exempted their possessions in the Romagna, from all contributions, and refused the tender of payment for a considerable quantity of corn, of which he generously made them a donation.

Buonaparte had not only signalized himself by feats of arms: he had equally succeeded in that object which was requisite for the complete attainment of the purposes of his expedition. These were to revolationize the minds of the Italians, the better to fit them for those changes in their various governments, that would assimilate them to the system established in France. Republican principles had taken forcible cot in many, if not in most of those places subdued by the French, or rather torn from their former owners, for the emancipation of the nations, to speak the language of these as well as of the French themselves, who boasted that, contrarily to the practice of crowned heads, they conquered for the benefit of mankind at large, and sought no other emolument from