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an imprudent and hasty step, and that chance is utterly lost. He could not at present enter into a detail of particulars. He had no hesitation, however, in declaring, that the disposition of his majesty's ministers went beyond the purpose of the motion before them; and, that in consequence of dispatches received from his Imperial majesty, who had refused to negociate for peace, but in conjunction with Great Britain, a confidential person was to be sent, from this country to Vienna, with instructions to enable the emperor to conduct farther negociations, in concert with his allies. He, therefore, hoped that Mr. Pollen would withdraw his motion, rather than persevere measure which would tend to defeat the end which it proposed.

in a

Colonel Porter disavowed all confidence in ministers. The chancellor of the exchequer had come to the house with a flourishing description of the state of the finances; and in a few weeks thereafter, we were found to be in a situation little short of bankruptcy, At all events, the present motion could do no harm; it should, therefore, have his support.

Mr. Addington had flattered himself that, after what had passed, Mr. Pollen would have withdrawn his motion. This motion, he observed, was founded on two grounds, stated in a French paper: first, the origin of the war, which was attributed to the British ministry; secondly, the insincerity of the British government in its overtures for peace. He made a variety of observations, tending to shew, that ministers were dragged into the war against their wills; and, also, that they had not neglected any feasible opportunities

or means of pacification. If we were to make any application for peace, he said, in our present cir cumstances, the enemy might suppose, that we were driven to it by the recent occurrences at the bank. It had been asked, what had been gained by the war? This was an improper question, as it was a war of defence: but, we had retained our character, atchieved great conquests, and made a discovery of easy means of preserving internal tranquillity. We had nearly destroyed the marine of France, and given a severe blow to that of Spain. We had, in a great degree, quashed those dangerous principles that were abroad, and secured our honour, our liberty, and, he trusted, our constitution. These were some of the advantages we had gained by the war and, on these grounds, he would vote against the motion, and move the order of the day.

Mr. Fox thought, as he knew the country, also thought, that peace was the only means of averting our impending ruin. But what does. the minister, who has had so large a share in producing your present calamities, propose to you to-night? That you should still repose your confidence in him: still confide in those councils which have been so fatal. It seemed, Mr. Hammond, of whose abilities he had no doubt, was going to Vienna, and, on this, the minister expected them to stop at once, in the performance of their duty. We are now to negociate, says the minister, in conjunction with the emperor, a , and Buonaparte is to be negociator for peace with us both. Do not put me under difficulties, by youruntimely interference. To that, as a general principle, Mr. Fox

had.

had no difficulty in assenting, though perhaps he would not agree with the minister as to the extent to which that principle might be carried. The present question was not, whether any minister, under any circumstances, should have the confidence of the house, during a negociation, but whether the present minister, under the present circumstances, should possess that confidence? A motion was made for peace, by an honourable gentleman (Mr. Wilberforce) two years ago. What was the language then? "Do not vote for this proposition, but trust in me." He prevailed with this house to do then what he asks you to do now; to confide in his sincerity. After a considerable lapse of time, a negociation was at last attempted, through the medium of Mr. Wickham, and afterwards carried on by the embassy of lord Malmesbury. This negociation be came a subject of discussion in this house, which was told, after every means had been made use of to evade all measures that could lead to any serious negociation, that there was not a heart in England so "profligate as to wish, not a hand so dastardly as to sign, nor a man to be found so degenerate, as to be the courier of a commission to be sent to France, to stipulate for peace." We have tried our executive government enough, said Mr. Fox, to be confident we can do no good to our country, by trying such means any longer. Let us now try means that we have not tried. My opinion is, that, let who will be the negociators for peace, certainly, still more if the present ministers are to be the negociators, the chance of obtaining it will be infinitely increased, if parliament should give that nego

ciation the sanction of its vote But it seems the French will be encouraged if this house should interfere and dictate to the executive government. Will they really think worse of your energy, if they find that you are determined to take your own affairs into your own hands, instead of confiding to the present ministers? Will they really expect to make better terms of peace with the people of England, speaking to them through the medium of representatives, than with the present executive government? Do they expect more real care of the interest of the people of England from a reigning faction, than from the people themselves, speaking through the medium of their representatives? I apprehend the contrary; andthat, as we should expect more justice from the French people themselves, than we do of any faction among them, so would they from the people of Great Britain; and, in that view, I should hope, that neither the republic of France would be hostile to Great Britain, nor the limited monarchy of this country be hostile to the just claims and true interests of the republic of France. I wish to know what better pledge you could give of sincerity to France, in your desire for peace, than to tell them, by a vote of the house of commons, that you are willing to negociate : and what is more likely to lead to a restoration of tranquillity, upon a solid and permanent foundation?

Colonel Fullarton observed, that the present question, stripped of all diplomatic ambiguity, stood exactly thus: is this country prepared to admit, that Belgium shall not be restored to the emperor, and that the Rhine shall be the boundary of France? If not, the French will

answer,

answer, come and take Belgium. These are not times for entrusting the most important interests of the country to plenipotentiaries who entrench themselves behind the ramparts of etiquette, and stalk on the stilts of ambassadorial mightiness. Undoubtedly, every returning sentiment of mutual forbearance and amity ought, by every practicable mode, to be encouraged. Perhaps, with this view, no better beacon or directory can be found, in the annals of negociation, than the conduct of our Indian govern ment, in the year 1781, when French, Dutch, Mysoreans, and all, were in arms against the English ; and our interests in the east were, if possible, more unprosperous than they are at present on the continent of Europe. An honourable baronet, now a member of this house, then second in council, and afterwards governor-general in In⚫ dia, in conjunction with lord Macartney and sir Eyre Coote, intimated to the Mahrattas, that, unless in so far as might be necessary to support existing engagements with allies, the English government was determined, that their operations against the Mahrattas should be naval, and defensive merely. This they intimated to the Poonah government, and, from that moment, not a shot was fired between the Mahrattas and the English. There is one point, which must not be omitted. It is well known, that the French, from the commencement of the war, have resisted all ideas of treating collectively with the confederated powers: in so doing, they have proved their wisdom; for, by treating individually, they have detached every power from the confederacy excepting

Austria and England. If the French lose all hope of detaching these powers from each other, they can no longer have the same object left for persisting in that policy; at least, it may no longer be impracticable to devise means for bringing them to treat on general principles, and collective arrangements. This can hardly be effected without a congress, in some form or other. Under this impression, he would take the liberty of reading, such a form of resolutions as he conceived would meet the object in view, not meaning, however, at all, to press them on the house at present:

Resolved, "That it is the opinion of this house, that, whenever a proper opportunity occurs, the most eligible mode of establishing the tranquillity of Europe, on a secure foundation, will be, by assembling a general congress, such as took place last century, previous to the peace of Munster. That the object of this congress ought to be, to specify and declare to all mankind the principles of right and wrong, which ought to govern the relations between independent states; to specify and declare to all mankind the principles of security, property, and public credit, which it is necessary to recognize, and render effectual, before any pacification can be negociated with stability or honour.

"In the event of the belligerent powers not acceding to this opinion, it will become this house to make known the grounds on which the war is continued, to ascertain the form on which it is to be conducted, and to declare the principles on which a cessation of hostilities ought to be concluded, on the part of his Britannic majesty."

J

Sir William Pulteney said, that what the parliament and the nation should require was not so much an immediate peace, as a secure one: and this object would be accomplished by patience under our sufferings, and perseverance in the contest. As long as the enemy retained Belgium and Holland there could be no security for England. Now was the moment to strain every nerve in the struggle; and he was more fearful that ministers would be too forward than too tardy in bringing matters to a termination. His complaint against them was that, on hearing the disasters that had befallen the Imperial arms, they had not immediarely come down to the house, and called for a loan to invigorate the brave exertions of our illustrious ally.

Sir John Macpherson spoke to the following effect. He thought that "it would not be a greater proof of moderation and justice, than of sound political wisdom, to declare that we stood up only in defence of our own rights and liberties, and not for the purpose of encroaching on those of other nations. He was anxious that such a declaration should be made, not only because it would contribute to give peace to this country, but to all Europe, and among other nations, even to our enemies. The interests of Britain would be best promoted by consulting not only our own advantage, but that of all the civilized world: by endeavouring not only to obtain from, but to extend to France, a just, honoura ble, and solid peace. The French government has ceased to be an incendiary assembly, sanguinary die tators, and a club of plunderers. It has assumed the form and the tone of regular governments. It has offi

cially declared its respect for personal safety, property, and morals, and has denounced vengeance against the anarchists. It has likewise manifested an appearance of a wish for peace. It is for the French nation to realize the peace, of which their new government speaks to them with cautious reserve. And this object, a frank declaration on the part of the people of England, through their representatives, of a sincere disposition to peace, on a fair moral basis, equally conducive to the security and welfare of both uations, by awakening the sensibility, and gaining the confidence of the French nation, wouldmaterially tend to forward. The basis to which he alluded was a due regard to justice, private property, public credit, and the rights of nations. It was time for the English nation to open their eyes on the true object of the war: an object which ought to be as remote from the spirit of vengeance, as that of conquest. It points, on the contrary, to a reasonable agreement between the belligerent states; an agreement dictated by the force of their wants, and founded on the indispensable protection of the right of property, without which no state can be certain of providing for the subsistence of its subjects, nor of maintaining the security of its civil order. Commerce and modern-finance having intermingled all property, even that of nations, it follows that public credit has become the universal depositary of civilized society. There is only one property, and one real finance in Europe, the circulation of which is as essential to the political body, as that of the blood to the human body: it was a violation of the right of property that produced the assiguats,

assignats, and the assignats that produced the revolution, with all the miseries suffered by France, and inflicted on our neighbours. To shew a disposition, even a zeal for the settlement of a government in France, that should respect the rights of men and nations, would not be a greater blessing to that country, than to all Europe. The motion before the house had a happy tendency to harmonize the great body of the French and English people (who could not be said properly to be at war with each other, though their governments were) into peace and good neighbourhood, by discountenancing and disapproving the insinuations of insincerity, on the part of this country, in the late negociation. It would assist ministers, in proving that the prolongation of

the calamities of war did not rest with Great Britain. To a motion of this tendency, he did not see why any objection should be made by either side of the house as it was calculated to procure an essential advantage to the country, while it contributed to strengthen the hands of government. On these grounds, he thought himself justified in supporting the present motion.

Mr. Johnes could never forget the ignominious manner in which our ambassador had been dismissed, nor forgive the insult offered to the nation. The objects for which we contended were, our liberties, our fortunes, our religion, our God, and our king! On a division of the house, there appeared for Mr. Pollen's mo tion, 85: against it, 291.

VOL. XXXIX.

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