HILE either the improvi

forest threatened to close around us.

*

adversity of events, involved a necessity of heavy and even severe taxation, other discouraging circumstances accompanied or followed this evil in close succession. Difficulty crouded on difficulty, danger on danger. On the return of lord Malmesbury, towards the close of 1796, from the unsuccessful negociation at Paris, the British funds suffered a greater depression than was experienced at any period of the American war. Insurrections prevailed in many parts of ireland, discontents in all: an unexampled run on the bank of England was follow ed by a suspension of payment in pecie; a mutiny of unpiccedented extent and inveteracy raged in the navy; symptoms of discontent began to appear in the army; the public dissatisfaction and alarm were expressed in petitions from all quarters for a change of measures, if not of ministers; the wild and darkening

for our escape: and temporary embar. rassments and alarms, only served to prove the extent of our resources, and the influence of those virtues which still strung the nerves of both private and public credit, and united Englishmen in the bonds of mutual confidence, and an attachment to their common country.

In the circumstances and temper of the nation, in December, 1796, an opinion very generally prevailed, that the embassy was sent over to Paris, by his majesty's ministers, for the sole purpose of amusing people with the fallacious hopes of peace, that they might the more easily procure money for the prosecution of the war. The adherents of the ministry, on the other hand, laboured by all means, whether of speaking or writing to impress a conviction, that the rupture of the negociation for peace at Paris was to be attributed to a systematical aversion

and

and apprehension of peace, in the governing party in the French republic. His majesty's declaration, on this subject, was laid before the house of lords, by lord Grenville, on the 27th of December. The substance of this declaration was," that the rupture of the negociation did not arise from the failure of any sincere attempt on the part of France: but from the determination of that government (meaning the French government) to reject all means of peace, by an obstinate adherence to a claim which never could be admitted; a claim which that government rested on the constitution of its own country, to be received by all nations as paramount to every principle and law in Europe, as superior to the obligations of treaties, the ties of common interest, and the most urgent considerations of general security. His majesty, who had entered into this treaty with good faith, had now only to lament its abrupt termination; and to declare, in the face of Europe, that whenever his enemies should be disposed to enter on the work of general pacification, nothing should be wanting, on his part, to contribute to the accomplishment of that great object, which was only retarded (meaning retarded only) by the ex、 orbitant pretensions of his enemies.' A similar message, on the same subject, was sent from his majesty to the house of commons. Authentic copies of all the papers, relative to the negociation, having beenprinted for the use of the members, his majesty's message on that subject, was, on the 50th of December, taken into consideration, in both houses of parliament.

This message being read in the house of lords, lord Grenville, after

The

The earl of Guildford declared, that, in his opinion, the present was the most unfortunate day this country had ever experienced, that only excepted which had plunged us into the calamities of the present war. If the status quo ante bellum had been the principle agreed on, he was ready to admit that the Freach had departed from that principle: but this was by no means the case. principle that was to form the basis of the negociation, was that of proportional restitution: and was there any man being, who could say, that what we offered to be restored to France, was an equivalent to what, we asked of her to restore to our allies? His lordship concluded his speech, by proposing anamendment to the address, stating what he couceived to be blameable in the onduct of his majesty's ministers during the whole course of the war, charging them with insincerity in every part of the negociation, and [L 3]

moving

moving that a committee might be appointed to inquire into the present calamitous state of the country. The earl of Derby denied, as he always had done, any necessity, on our part, of going into the present war. He described the present disstressful state of the country; and expressed his suspicions that the ministry were insincere in their late shew of negociation. His lordship thought that Pondicherry in the East Indies, and Martinico, St. Lncia, and Tobago, in the West In dies, could never be considered as an equivalent for the Milanese and the Austrian Netherlands,

The earl of Liverpool said, that what we had offered to the French, was, in reality, an equivalent to what we asked of them to be given up. It was reported, that the revenue they received from their WestIndia islands, generally amounted to ten millions annually. Why did not the French directory, when they were dissatisfied with the proposals from the British court, bring forward some counter-project of their own?

Lord Auckland declared, that, though he, from the beginning of this business, firmly believed that it would not be attended with any success, had yet been of opinion that it was right that the experiment should be made, for the satisfaction of the country. The experiment had been made, and the result was such as he had expected. He declared his conviction, that the defenders of the French republic were in such a state of distress, as not to be able to go through another campaign.

The earl Fitzwilliam said, that no circumstance had occurred to convince him, that the former proud

and dangerous principles of the French did not now exist in their full force. There could be no safety in fraternizing with such a people.

The duke of Bedford, among other shrewd remarks, observed, that lord Malmesbury, in his conversation with M. de la Croix, by hinting at an equivalent for the Ne therlands, had, in a manner, admitted the plea of the directory, and that, in contradiction to the treaties subsisting between Great Britain and her allies. The French minister, at the same time, by conversing about an equivalent, proved that he virtually admitted that some equivalent might be accepted.- Lord Malmesbury, he observed, had requested a contre projet, whilst, at the same time, he persisted in refusing to enter upon any treaty in which the French were toretain possession of the Netherlands. From these circumstances, as well as that of lord Malmesbury being left without à discretionary power in any matter of importance, his grace inferred, that ministers were not sincere in the proposed negociations for peace. He thought that before a renewal of the negociation, ministers ought to have satisfied themselves, that the French directory had de parted from the principle they avowed, when they refused to treat with Mr. Wickham. In his opinion, ministers had not only created suspicions, as to the sincerity of their intentions, but even afforded just grounds for accusation. They had acted on a principle of augmenting the power of great states at the expence of those which were weaker; such, he said, was their idea of remunerative justice! By consenting to such a principle, Europe would sink into a miserable labyrinth

labyrinth of despotic arrogance; "a principle on which," said his grace, "I shall make no comment, but leave it to your conscience to decide."

The earl Spencer denied that lord Malmesbury, in his conversation with de la Croix, had proposed any ultimatum. The last note of the directory was actually the beginning of negociation on their part. And, what was their proposal? "You shall accept the basis of our new-formed constitution, which engrafts a conquered country into an integral part of our territories." The principle advanced by force, would go to subvert all the acknowledged laws of nations. Whilst the directory were requiring an ultimatum from us, they were in fact giving one themselves.

The lord chancellor said, that the amendment in detail was nothing else than an exaggeration of the power of the enemy, encouraging to them, and depressing to the interests of this country. The inference to be drawn from it was, that this country must submit to whatever terms the enemy chose to impose. He denied the earl of Guildford's assertion, that the memorial presented to the French directory, was of a sophistical nature: for what could contain, in plainer terms, a more ingenuous declaration of what England was disposed to surrender, and what to demand in behalf of her allies? But whatever might be the relative value of the compensations proposed, they had never, in fact, been brought under discussion. The proposal of England towards the enemy was generous and liberal: though France had made no conquests from us, yet England proposed to surrender'back all the con

quests made by that power, only on condition of her making suitable returns of the conquests made from the emperor. His lordship remarked, that the government of France had made no reply to the memorial which had been presented; the question of reciprocal compensations had never been fairly discussed: instead of this they required an ultimatum within twenty-four hours and, in the very act of doing so, they' recalled the very basis of the nego ciation, to which they had previously agreed. He would put out of view the insolence and arrogance of the language they had used, and content himself with observing that their whole conduct and language discovered, on their part, a determination to avoid all discussion. Thus, said his lordship, have the government of France barred and double-barred the door of negociation against you. He proceeded to illustrate, what he called, the "immensity of our national wealth and prosperity." He concluded his speech, by a repetition of an observation he had made in the outset of it, that, at no former period of English history, when negociations were broken off, as at Gertruydenburg, in the reign of queen Anne, did those who then opposed the ministry ever think of bringing forward a motion like that thing which he held in his hand.

On a division of the house, the amendment, proposed by the earl of Guildford, was rejected, by 86 against S.

The earl Fitzwilliam, after a brief recapitulation of some of the arguments he had, on sundry occasions, urged before, for irreconcileable hostility to the French republic, moved an amendment to the ad[L4]

dress:

dress; in substance, representing their dangerous principles, the necessity of persevering in the contest in which we were at present en gaged, and the impropriety of courting any negociation of peace with France in its present state. Lord Fitzwilliam's motion was negatived without a division.

The order of the day, thirtieth of December, for taking into consideration his majesty's message, on the failure of the negociation for peace with France, in the house of commons, being read from the chair,

Mr. Pitt rose up, to move an address to his majesty, in consequence of his most gracious communication to that house. The motion, which, it was his duty, he said, to make on that subject, unquestionably involved in it many great and momentous considerations. He grievously lamented the sudden stop which had been put to that negociation, by which, we had fondly hoped, that, we should at last have been relieved from the contest in which, for some time past, we had been engaged: a contest, into which we were forced against our will: a contest, produced by the repeated aggressions of an imperious enemy; a contest,, undertaken, ou our part, to maintain our rights and liberties as a nation, the very existence of our civil and political constitution, and the general policy and security of Europe. The failure of the negociation, he considered as a subject of regret and disappointment; but, he added, that it was regret without despondency; disappointment with out despair. When we wish for peace, said he, we wish for a secure and permanent peace, and the secure and permanent possession of those blessings with which peace is

1

accompanied. If, with our ardent desire of peace, we have qualified the steps which we have taken to procure it, by a due regard to these objects, we shall not find that our endeavour has been without its advantage: we shall have proved, to all Europe, to whom ambitious and unreasonable pretensions ought to be ascribed. We may expect to see, as the result of such a conduct, England united, and France divided.. In this question, we shall have to consider not only what has been the conduct of our own government, but to consider also the con duct of the enemy; in the manner in which our offers have been rejected, in the peremptory and abrupt manner in which the negociation has been broken off; your ambassador insulted, your propositions rejected, and even the semblance of terms not produced in return.

The two great considerations for the house, Mr. Pitt observed, were, first, what sentiments they ought to express to his majesty, on the present occasion; and, secondly, com. bining the efforts made by his majesty with the conduct adopted on the part of the enemy, what was the duty they were bound to perform, for the purpose of securing happiness and prosperity, liberty and independence? Mr. Pitt contrasted the singerity and readiness with which the British government had entered into the negociation, and the reasonableness of the terms they had proposed, with the backwardness of the French to treat at all, and the extreme arrogance, insolence, and, indeed, absurdity, of their conduct, in superseding, in a treaty with independent powers, the law and usages of nations, by