of the present members would be re-elected in those counties), and they would see that a government, constituted on a principle of resist ance to concession, would have the whole or the great majority of the representative and constituent body of Ireland against it. In this case, separated as Ireland was from England, he would contend, that, with such a feeling of opposition to government on the part of the representatives and constituents, there would be constituted a moral influence opposed to the local government, which would render it impossible to carry it on. The remedy therefore could not be found in a dissolution of parliament. But still, a government united on the principle of resistance might try one other remedy, viz. they might retract the privileges they had already granted, and which they found too powerful for their control; but in that case they would open a chapter, which, beginning with the recal of privileges, might render measures of a stronger and much more coercive character necessary. It appeared to him that no government could do that; or, if they did, it would lead to a struggle, which, if pushed to its legitimate consequences, must end in a result little short of the re-enactment of the penal laws. We had already gone too far to render such a course practicable. We had removed the seal from the vessel, and suffered the great spirit to escape. We had no means of conjuring him back again to his former narrow limits. In round numbers, and allowing for the increase of population which had taken place since the last census, the population of Ireland was 7,000,000. Of these, 5,000,000 were Roman

Catholics, and 2,000,000 Protestants of all denominations. At first sight, it might be supposed that the government could be carried on by means of the 2,000,000 of Protestants; but then it should be considered, that, of those Protestants, there were 1,200,000 residing in Ulster. They were then to consider, how they could conduct such a government in Munster, Leinster, and Connaught, where the Catholics were 4,250,000, and the Protestants only 750,000 ; · where there were not only whole parishes, but whole districts of country, even to the extent of ten contiguous parishes. without a single Protestant. How could the administration of justice be carried on in those places? In the withdrawal of the civil privileges, were they to withdraw the trial by jury? If they left that, the re-enactment of the penal code would be useless, for it would be impossible that the laws could be executed fully, as far as the interference of a jury was necessary, where a great body of the people had an interest in defeating them. With the country in that state, with such a feeling on the part of the Catholics, who formed in the country generally the great majority, and in large districts almost the sole population, there could be no security for the Protestant establishment, backed as the views of the Catholics would be by a powerful alliance in parliament. Let it also be considered, that, in the continued resistance to concession, a government would have to fight the battle not only with the Catholics, but also against protestants, who conscientiously supported their claims. Let the House look at the declaration of the Protestants, which had recently been before the public. That de

claration earnestly implored the satisfactory adjustment of this question, as necessary to the security of the Protestant establishment in Ireland. The individuals, by whom parliament was thus addressed, were men who had a great interest at stake. They were the owners of property to an immense amount in Ireland. Could it be said, that this was got up for the purposes of party? The signatures would be a satisfactory answer to that question. There were affixed to it the names of two dukes, seven marquises, and twentysix or twenty-seven earls, besides other peers. His wish was, and one of the objects to be accomplished by the measure which he should propose would be, that there should be a union amongst Protestants; for it could not be concealed that there was no security for Protestant establishments, while the Catholics were united in one compact phalanx, and neither the Protestants nor the government were united. But lastly, assuming for a moment that a non-conceding cabinet should not only attempt, but should succeed in carrying into effect this system of coercion, how long would it last? It might endure during peace: but would a government be competent to uphold it in time of war? If not, the commencement of war would be the worst period in the history of the empire. He looked back to the time, when bold hearts animated the head of the government,-to the year 1792, when Mr. Pitt was at the head of affairs. He saw in that year grand juries and other public bodies unanimous in forwarding petitions against any concession to the Catholics-he saw the House of Commons of Ireland rejecting not a resolution, or a bill,

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for their relief- but even their very petition to have their grievances considered. The French war broke out in 1793, and, in spite of the declarations of the preceding year, in spite of the numerous petitions, in spite of the vote of the Commons, and the opinions of the preceding session the session of 1793 opened with a recommendation from the Throne, to take the grievances of the Catholics into consideration; and a bill was almost immediately passed for the removal of many of the disabilities, but with such haste, and so inconsiderately, that to this day we were reaping some of its bitter fruits. Until he saw a bolder man at the head of affairs than Mr. Pitt

until he saw a more Protestant parliament than that of 1793, he could not think we should be safe in time of war with a government determined on continued resistance; nor could he think but that, at the opening of a war, we might feel ourselves obliged to recede from our former declarations, and to grant the prayer we had before refused, and that in a manner to which, at a more favourable opportunity, we should be unwilling to consent, and with much less security than we might obtain ou such an occasion as the present. Since, then, the existing state of matters was one which could no longer be suffered to exist, since the time had come when the government must adopt one decided rule of policy or another, and must resolve as a government either to concede or to resist, and since a government determined to resist could not carry on the affairs of the country without aggravating all the evils and dangers which were to be removed, it followed that no course remained but to settle the question by ad

Mr. Peel, in the next place, proceeded to explain the nature of the measure which he and his colleagues had resolved to propose as that which ought finally to adjust and settle the question. No persons, he said, except the members of government had been parties to the framing of the bill. It had been thought advisable, that it should not be proposed as a compromise or compact with any parties whatever, and that for its concessions, as well as for its restrictions, government alone should be responsible. The principle and basis of the measure was to be, the abolition of civil distinctions, and the equality of political rights. There would be exceptions, standing on special grounds, but such was to be the general rule. Another pervading principle of the bill would be, the maintenance, in fact and in word, of the Protestant religion as by law established, its doctrines, its discipline, and its government. He would, first of all repeal those laws which placed Catholics, unless they took certain oaths, on a different footing from Protestants, even in regard to real property, a distinction which Protestants and Catholics were equally interested in abolishing: the next provision would be, the admission of Catholics to parliament, on the same terms with Protestants. Unless this was granted, all other concessions of political power would avail nothing. It had been proposed to restrict the number of Catholic members, and to define certain subjects on which they should not be allowed to vote. Both of these limitations ministers had rejected. Any limi

tation of their numbers it would be difficult to carry practically into effect; and even if it were practicable, it would have the mischievous effect of making them combine; and holding them up as a sacred band, charged with the interests of the Roman Catholics. No less difficult would it be to find any efficient text for deciding on what questions a Roman Catholic member should be entitled to vote, and on what he should not. It would be difficult to determine what questions relate exclusively to the interests of the Established Church and it might be, that questions, nominally relating to the Established Church, might not be those in which its interests were really involved. If the Roman Catholic member were entitled to speak, but were precluded from voting on such questions, injury might be inflicted as effectually by an able man, with party ties and connexions, making an inflammatory speech, and then leaving his party to support it by their votes, yes, as much mischief might be inflicted by such a man, if he spoke, as if he were entitled to vote. On the whole, such a restriction would be a departure from the principle of the bill, viz. the abolition of all distinctions, and the equality of political rights. In conformity with the same principle, the bill would proceed, as a matter of course to render Catholics admissible to all corporate offices in Ireland, and all offices connected with the administration of justice, and to all the higher civil offices of the state. He was aware, he said, of the objections as to the last; but having once resolved to yield political power, this could not be refused. He doubted the wisdom of qualifying the Roman Catholic to re

ceive a favour from the popular branch of the constitution, and leaving him disqualified to receive a favour from the Crown; of allow ing him to acquire distinction by flattering the prejudices and courting the applause of the people, and depriving the Crown of the power to reward him for any exertions which he might make in support of its honour and dignity. In order to leave the avenues of ambition in parliament open to the Roman Catholic, he was of opinion that we ought to render him capable of being employed in the civil service of his country. It necessarily followed from these concessions, that the oaths taken by members of the legislature must be modified. In the new oath, the Catholic member would be called on to swear allegiance in the usual terms,―to disclaim the deposing power of the Pope, and the doctrine that his holiness had any temporal or civil power, directly or indirectly, within the realm,—solemnly to abjure any intention of subverting the Church Establishment, and to bind himself not to employ any of his privileges to weaken the Protestant religion or government. No

The following was the form of the Oath, as read by Mr. Peel.

"I, A.B., do declare, that I profess the Roman Catholic Religion." "I, A. B. do sincerely promise and swear, that I will be faithful and bear true allegiance to his Majesty King George IV, and will defend him to the utmost of my power against all conspiracies and attempts whatever which shall be made against his person, crown, or dignity, and I will do my utmost endeavour to disclose and make known to his Majesty, his heirs and successors, all treasons and traitorous conspiracies which may be formed against him or them. And I do faithfully promise to maintain, support, and defend, to the utmost of my power, the succession to the Crown, which succession,

doubt, there was no disclaimer of certain other doctrines, the doctrine that faith was not to be kept with heretics-the doctrine that persons could be relieved by the Pope from the solemn obligations of an oath. But to require them to make those and other disclaimers of a similar character, was, in his opinion, an unnecessary piece of legislation. He had omitted them as unnecessary to be applied to those who were thought worthy to be incorporated in that House.

The remaining part of the measure regarded the exceptions from the general rule-the securities which were to be retained, in the midst of concession, as the safeguards of the Protestant Constitution. These lay within a narrow compass, and related to duties or offices connected with the established church. The only offices, from which Mr. Peel proposed to exclude Catholics, were those of Lord Lieutenant, or chief governor of Ireland, and of Lord High Chancellor, or Keeper, or Commissioner of the Great Seal. He also meant to exclude Catholics from appointments in any of the

by an Act entitled An Act for the further limitation of the Crown, and the better securing the rights and liberties of the subject,' is and stands limited to the Princess Sophia, Electress of Hannover, and the heirs of her body, being Protestants; hereby utterly renouncing and abjuring any obedience or allegiance unto any other person claiming or pretending a right to the Crown of these realms. And I do further declare, that it is not an article of my faith, and that I do renounce, reject, and abjure the opinion, that princes excommunicated or deprived by the Pope, or any authority of the See of Rome, may be deposed or murdered by their subjects, or by any person whatsoever. And I do declare, that I do not believe that the

universities or colleges, or institutions upon Protestant foundations, such as Eton, Westminster, Winchester, or any ecclesiastical schools of the same kind; in addition to which, he meant to retain the law against even presentations by Catholics to places of this kind; and he proposed farther, that, in case a Catholic, by virtue of his situation or property, should hold any office of church patronage, such influence should be attached to, and exclusively vested in, the Crown. He further proposed, that it should not be lawful for any Catholic to advise the Crown regarding the investiture or distribution of any ecclesiastical dignity in the established church of England or Ireland. Of other ecclesiastical securities, as they were called, which had at different times been proposed, he entirely disapproved. One proposal had been, to provide for the Roman Catholic church, and incorporate it with the state. But this would require negotiation

Pope of Rome, or any other foreign

prince, prelate, person, state, or potentate, hath or ought to have, any temporal or civil jurisdiction, power, superiority, or pre-eminence, directly or indirectly, within this realm. I do swear, that I will defend to the (utmost of my power, the settlement of the property within this realm as established by the laws. And I do hereby disclaim, disavow, and solemnly abjure any intention to subvert the present Church establishment, as settled by the law within this realm. And I do solemnly swear that I never will exercise any privilege to which I am or may become entitled,

to disturb or weaken the Protestant re

ligion, or Protestant government in this kingdom. And I do solemnly, in the presence of God, profess, testify, and declare, that I do make this declaration, and every part thereof, in the plain and ordinary sense of this Oath, without any evasion, equivocation, or mental reservation whatsoever."

and compact with the See of Rome, and he saw the greatest difficulties in arriving at any such result. There was something revolting to the feelings of Englishmen, to the independence and pride of this country, in the king of England being obliged to go to a foreign ecclesiastical court like that of Rome, for the purpose of obtaining securities, and determining on what footing his own subjects were to stand. They could not approach the court of Rome on such a subject, without admitting it at once as an authority in legislation, and recognizing its right to withhold its assent from the measure. that ground he took it that negotiations of this nature with the court of Rome were incompatible with the dignity, the character, and the independence of England; and this was a sufficient objection to that mode of attempting to provide securities for the Protestant establishment in church and state. Moreover the incorporation of the Roman Catholic church with the

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state, the granting to the Crown a control over the appointment of the Roman Catholic clergy, and the payment of salaries by the state to the ministers of that religion, would be a measure more repugnant. to the feelings and principles of the inhabitants of this country, than any other measure that could be devised.

A veto on the nomination of the Catholic bishops was another security which had been contained in former proposed bills; but that, His obtoo, he would give up. jection to it was, that it would be considered, and not unjustly, as the commencement of a qualified establishment with regard to the Roman Catholic church. He objected to it, not that he thought