object of their mission, in reducing the Turkish fortresses; they had suffered little in the field, but had sustained severe losses from disease. Besides sending that expedition, France, in conjunction with Russia, had made considerable advances of money to the Greek government, in the shape of a monthly subsidy. On the accession of Prince Polignac's ministry, this subsidy ceased. A Greek agent proceeded to Paris, to urge the necessity, in the present circumstances of Greece, of making another and last advance; he was unsuccessful. He offered to supply one half of the sum from his own pocket, if the French government would make up the other; he met with a refusal. He requested the use of a king's ship to convey from Toulon to Egina, what he could advance from his own funds; that request was granted. This occurrence was, to the constitutional party in France, a fresh proof of the illiberal and anti-national spirit of the new ministry. For the ministry again, it was alleged, that, by the Turkish recognition of the independence of Greece, as proposed by the allies, the period, during which the subsidy had been promised, had expired, and they could not be considered as now holding funds which they might legally apply to such a purpose-a constitutional delicacy in money matters for which their opponents were not inclined to give them credit.

For several years France had had a standing quarrel with the Dey of Algiers, the remote origin of which went very far back. During a period of scarcity, in the time of the republic, the French government had entered into contracts

with a Jew, named Bacry, for a supply of corn. The Jew was connected with the dey; the money due for the corn amounted to 7,000,000 francs, and payment of it had been voted in 1824; but the dey had not touched a farthing of it. Four millions were said to have been paid to his agent; but report alleged that the greater portion of it had never gone farther than the hands of French officials. At all events, the other three millions had been retained, on the pretext that they fell to be divided among French subjects, who had suffered loss by Algerine captures. Thence arose law-suits which threatened to have no end. An Algerine dey is accustomed to a much more summary administration of justice than is allowed by the tardy forms of European judicial investigation. His highness wrote a letter to the French Cabinet, requesting that the money should be sent to him, reserving to himself the power of doing justice to the claimants. If the claimants had failed on their side, such an appeal was for them abundantly unpromising; but the Foreign minister, who was then the baron de Damas, did not even answer the letter. Again his highness wrote, and again his letter remained unanswered. While affairs stood thus, M. Deval, the French consul at Algiers, having waited on the dey to pay his respects at the feast of Bairam, in 1827, a lively conversation took place between him and the dey regarding the conduct of the French government. In the course of the dialogue, the Dey struck the consul with his fly-flap; and thereupon ensued the nego tiations, and declaration of war, recorded in our volume for 1827.

The rupture having taken place, France added many new complaints to the immediate cause of quarrel. According to her, in 1824, contrary to the express tenour of treaties, perquisitions had been made in the French Consular-house at Bona, under the pretence of searching for contrahand goods. Illegal permissions to sojourn and trade in that town, and on the coasts of the province of Constantine, had been granted to English and Mahometan merchants. In 1826, vessels, belonging to the subjects of the Holy See, but bearing the white flag, and under the protection of France, had been unjustly captured, and restitution refused. French property, seized on board of a Spanish vessel, had been confiscated. Thus, said France, had been violated the two principles, which have constantly served as the basis of our transactions with the Regencies of Africa-namely, that the French flag should protect merchandise, whatever it might be, and that French merchandise should be inviolable even under the enemy's flag. Arbitrary visits and depredations had been committed on board French ships; and the sovereignty of France over that portion of territory, which is comprised between the river Seibus and Cape Roux, and of which she had been in possession since the middle of the fifteenth century, had been dis

puted. These, and the insult of the fly-flap, were the causes of war, which had been carried on since 1827, by a blockade of Algiers, so inefficiently maintained as not to prevent the state of hostilities from being extremely detrimental to the French trade in the Mediterranean. In the present

year a new expedition was fitted out, with the intention of converting the useless blockade into a bombardment, and a flotilla of gunboats and bomb-ketches, to be used for that purpose, was daily exercised in the roads at Toulon. This design, however, was abandoned. M. de Portalis, who was at this time at the head of the Foreign-office, perceived that the continuance of the war was both the cause of a ruinous expenditure, and a subject of ridicule; the project of bombarding Algiers was given up; and M. de la Bretonniere was charged with a mission more peaceful, as less subject to the caprices of chance. The admiral set sail, not with five or six bomb-ketches, but with arguments calculated to make upon the mind of the Dey much more powerful impression than all the artillery of our marine. The new ministry succeeded, and was occupied with more important matters than this negotiation; and about the end of the year, M. Deval, whose wounded pride had insisted on exemplary satisfaction being demanded, died.

to throw off his yoke, and put an end to the system of indiscriminate imprisonment and confiscation in which his satellites were revelling. The inhabitants assumed a menacing attitude; many of the officers of the garrison were prepared to take part in the revolt. It was expected to break out on the 19th of December; and, in the course of that night, various bodies of citizens and military assembled at different points. But no plan had been concerted; no communication even seemed to have taken place between them. Having remained on foot all night, each expecting that the others would join them, they separated next morning; having effected nothing except the putting of Don Miguel upon his guard. That they were allowed to disperse in peace was owing to the weakness of the government, which would not venture on further provocation, until it had armed itself with greater power to punish. A large additional military force was brought towards Lisbon, drawn chiefly from the bands which had been organized by the marquis de Chaves for establishing despotism, and composed therefore of men on whom the despot could safely rely. This very measure hastened a new attempt at insurrection, which took place on the 9th of January. It was headed by a brigadier-general Moreira; but, like its predecessor, it was premature and illarranged. Several officers, and some of the troops of the garrison, had been brought into the enterprise; their object was to proclaim Donna Maria queen. None of the inhabitants seemed to have been made privy to it, nor any means to have been prepared for its success, beyond the small number of

individuals directly concerned. Moreira had either miscalculated the disposition of the military to whom he trusted, or the plot had been betrayed; for, on the night of the 9th of January, when in the act of calling out the regiment at the head of which he intended to make the attempt, he was arrested, along with the other officers who had joined him, and the contemplated revolt was immediately stifled.

The government, now feeling itself stronger, made use of this occurrence to multiply arrests all over Lisbon. Every individual, whom any creature of the government chose to dislike, or any private enemy thought fit to denounce byan anonymous accusation, was immediately consigned to the dungeons of the Limoeiro, or of St. Julian. A special commission was named to try the actual conspirators. After having been detained for several weeks in solitary confinement, they were brought before it in the end of February. Some of the prisoners were under age, and a counsel was assigned to them. But they were allowed only four and twenty hours to prepare their defence; although the law provided, that no prisoner should answer to a capital charge in less than five days. Moreira, and four of his companions, were condemned to be transported to Africa for life; two more were to suffer the same punishment for ten years. The rest were acquitted, as persons against whom nothing was proved. Miguel was shocked at the lenity of the sentence; it was not sufficiently high seasoned with vengeance to gratify his pa late. He refused to ratify it, and ordered a new sentence to be framed, by which the five pri

soners, condemned to transportation for life, were directed to be hanged; the two, who were to have been transported for ten years, were transported for life; and all those, who had been acquitted, were transported for ten years. Some of the judges ventured to oppose this atrocious proceeding; but the language of justice or humanity, of law or reason, was to Miguel an unknown tongue, and the sentence was carried into execution. Even the usual space of three days, allowed by the law of Portugal, to intervene between the passing of a capital sentence, and its being carried into effect, was shortened to one. Don Miguel's sentence was signed on the 5th of March, and next day Moreira and his four companions were executed.

In comparison with death, the condition of the numberless prisoners in the gaols and fortresses was scarcely to be envied. Uncondemned, though all of them, and innocent, though most of them, were, they were delivered over to the merciless authority of apostolic miscreants, who seemed to find no gratification but in the invention of new modes of inflicting misery. Among the incarcerated were many persons in affluent circumstances, who charitably contributed towards the support of the poorer prisoners, whom their masters were willing to leave in starvation. To deprive the latter of this alleviation of their miseries, the government ordered the former to be removed from the dungeons of the city, and immured in the fortresses of St. Julian, Belem, and Bugio. Without being brought to trial, the prisoners were cut off from all communication, by speech, or writing, even with the members of their own

families. Many of them died in consequence of want and confinement; nor were suspicions wanting that poison had seconded the jealousy of the usurper. No rank, character, or age was respected. A child, five years old, was kept in solitary confinement five days, and subjected to all the tortures of the prison, to extort evidence against its father and mother. A refugee Spanish bishop, who had been a member of the Cortes of 1812, and had since lived in peace and obscurity at Lisbon, was thrust into the dungeons of St. Julian, and died in four days, in consequence of the brutal maltreatment heaped upon him by Telles Jordao, a noted leader throughout the apostolic rebellion, to whom the government of that fortress had been intrusted. Even the decencies of Christian burial were refused to him, for that was an honour of which "free-masons" were considered unworthy, and the body was thrown into a hole in the esplanade of the castle. All the victuals carried in to the prisoners were carefully examined, lest they should be made the means of conveying communications, or implements of escape. The governor's son performed, one day, this dignified function, and amused himself by mingling filth with the prisoners' food. They refused to partake of it. Jordao thereupon gave orders, that they should be questioned who was the ringleader of the resolution, and that all, who would not declare his name, should be loaded with irons, and sent to the subterraneous dungeons. They were called out one after the other, but none of them would denounce his comrade. As they were taken out of the prison to go to the inquiry, one of the officers of the garrison