contradictory; when, in the various revolutions of empires, we fee the most oppofite effects produced by thefe very principles, what other conclufion can be drawn, than mitreprefenta- that the principles themselves have been misconceived, mifreprefented, and mifapplied? Mifconception, tion, and mifaplication of the principles. It would derogate from the dignity of the fubject under our confideration, were I to defcend into perfonal altercation or controverfy with the different perfons, who have already, by their publications, taken a decifive part in the agitation of the question: a queftion the most elevated, dignified, and important, that can employ the mind of man, as it most effentially affects his happinefs, welfare, and existence, in this ftate of mortality. An eloquent writer has afforded this publication me a most confolatory apology for offering to the public my humble efforts, after the exertion of so many others of fuperior talents, information, and experience *. "Too many "minds cannot be employed on a contro Apology for verfy fo immenfe, as to present the most "various afpects to different understandings, " and fo important, that the more correct "statement of one fact, or the more fuccefs"ful illustration of one argument, will at * Mr. Macintosh's Advertisement to his Vindicia Gallica: "leaft least rescue a book from the imputation of "having been written in vain." In the combination of the political circumstances of the present day, I know not how I can render a more effential fervice to my country, than by endeavouring faithfully to reprefent, and ftrongly to imprefs the minds of my countrymen with the true genuine principles of the Rights of Man; for upon this bafis hath been raised the most brilliant and ftupendous work of human œconomy, the bleffed and glorious conftitution of the British empire. The great Chancellor Fortescue entertained fo fublime an idea of it, as early as in the fourteenth century, that he faid: "And for the fame «reason it is, that + St. Thomas is fuppofed "to wish, that all the kingdoms and nations. "in the world were governed, in the politi"cal way, as we are." And the fame learned Chancellor, in the inftructions, which he gave to his royal pupil Prince Edward, the eldest son of King Henry the Sixth, carries his encomium of our laws and conftitution to the very highest poffible hyperbole +: "Rejoice, therefore, my good Prince, that * De Laud. Leg. Ang. c. xxxvii. p. 86: + This idea of St. Thomas Aquinas is taken from his book De Regimine Principum. ↑ De Laud. Leg. Ang. c. ix. p. 18. Reafons for avoiding any foreign matter. "fuch is the law of the kingdom, which you they had not tranfgreffed the law of God." The preference and fuperiority, which our conftitution claims over every other known political form of government, will confine my confiderations folely to mine own country. The introduction of foreign matter, befides diverting our minds from the proper attention to ourfelves, would argue an inadequacy in our establishment to elucidate and enforce the fundamental principles of our constitution, which are, in fact no other, than those of the Rights of Man. Enlightened as the prefent age is, or pretends to be, it must appear highly paradoxical, that there should exist a question of difference upon principles apparently fo clear and perfpicuous, that, like other first principles in philofophy, they are to be taken upon credit, and fubmitted to without hesitation; for perfpicua non funt probanda. «What our "predeceffors took great pains to prove, we now receive as axioms, and without hefita"tion act upon them," fays Dr. Prieftley, after having laid down, what he fuppofes to be the fundamental or first principles of goverment, according to Somers, Locke, and Hoadley. However, this fort of unqueftioning deference in the blind adoption of principles is pointedly reprobated by Mr. Locke *. ແ Dr. Priestley recommends the adoption of out hefitation. principles with "Such as are careful (as they call Mr. Locke re it) to principle children well (and few there probates it. « be, who have not a fet of those principles " for them, which they believe in) inftil into "the unwary, and as yet unprejudiced un"derstanding (for white paper receives any "characters) those doctrines, they would have "them retain and poffefs. These being "taught them, as foon as they have any apprehenfion, and ftill, as they grow up, con"firmed to them, either by the open profef"fion or tacit confent of all they have to do with, or at leaft by thofe, of whose wisdom, knowledge, and piety, they have an opi"nion, who never fuffer thefe propofitions "to be otherwife mentioned, but as the basis " and foundation, on which they build their "religion or manners, come by these means + Locke upon the Human Understanding, 1. 1. p. 21: in the folio edition. B 3 "to have the reputation of unquestionable, "felf-evident, and innate truths. This is evidently the cafe of all chil"dren and young folk; and custom, a greater power than nature, feldom failing to make "them worship for divine, what she hath "inured them to bow their minds and fub"mit their understandings to, it is no won"der that grown men, either perplexed in "the neceffary affairs of life, or hot in the "pursuit of pleasures, fhould not seriously fit << down to examine their own tenets, efpe"cially as one of their principles is, that principles ought not to be questioned. “And had men leifure, parts, and will, who "is there almoft, that dare shake the foun"dation of all his past thoughts and actions, "and endure to bring upon himself the "fhame of having been a long time wholly "in mistake and error? Who is there hardy enough to contend with the reproach, which « is every where prepared for those, who dare "to venture to diffent from the received opi"nions of their country or party?" Thus doth this great philofopher not only recommend, but infift upon, the neceffity of every one's freely examining the principles of his own political and civil conduct. And when |